PJ 17
CHAPTER 7

REC #2 HATONN

SATURDAY, JULY 7, 1990 4:25 P.M. YEAR 3 DAY 325

WOODROW WILSON
The Pujo Committee was the last important publicity which the Federal Re­serve Act received before being passed in December, 1913. The man who signed it was President Woodrow Wilson, who therefore is thought to be its author. Wilson was elected President of the United States in 1912 on a mone­tary reform platform. He promised the people of your country that he would give them a money and credit law which would be free from Wall Street influ­ence. At last, he declared, you citizens are going to enjoy the benefits of your own credit, as Thomas Jefferson had intended and provided for in the Consti­tution.

However good or bad were Woodrow Wilson's intentions, he was limited by the fact that he had been put into office by the biggest Wall Street banking house of them all, Paul Warburg's firm of Kuhn, Loeb Company. His cam­paign for the Presidency had been entirely financed by Cleveland H. Dodge, of Kuhn, Loeb's National City Bank; Jacob Schiff, senior partner in Kuhn, Loeb Company; Henry Morgenthau, Sr.; Bernard Baruch; and Samuel Un­termyer. With such a background, as well as his earlier speeches in favor of the Aldrich Plan and his outspoken reverence for J. P. Morgan, the new, everyman's Woodrow Wilson smacked of ineffectuality, if not downright hypocrisy.

Woodrow Wilson appeared before the people during his campaign with a monetary reform bill written by H. Parker Willis, and officially sponsored by the Democratic Party. A study of this new bill revealed a remarkable similar­ity to the Aldrich Plan. The more idealistic, and, to the bankers, unrealistic provisions of the bill, providing for others than bankers to administer it, were soon deleted by Carter Glass' House Banking and Currency Committee.

Despite the apparently clean background of the Democratic party's bill, known as the Federal Reserve Act, it was not favorably received by the coun­try at large, and some newspapers were unkind enough to point out its close kinship to the discredited Aldrich Plan. With such popular opposition already manifesting itself against the people's choice, Wilson, Congress did not wish to pass the bill. It required all the political strength of William Jennings Bryan, the dominant power in the Democratic party, to get Congress to pass the Act.

The Federal Reserve Act, although it was a brother to the Aldrich Plan, was ballyhooed as a people's plan. It promised the American people everything. First of all, it promised to liberate the farmer from his yearly needs for credit to get his crops harvested and send them to market. Heretofore, he had had to go to the bank and mortgage his property for that money. According to the Act's proponents, he could get plenty of credit at the Reserve bank. This was a bid to get the National Granges to come out in favor of the bill, but they did not rise to the bait. They refused to endorse it, pointing out that its control techniques were not likely to benefit anybody but the bankers, and this was proved when the Federal Reserve System caused the Agricultural Depression of 1920-21.

The next benefit of the Federal Reserve Act, it was claimed, was that it would stabilize the monetary unit and give the dollar a consistent and balanced pur­chasing power. This was the provision insisted upon by Sen. Robert L. Owen, co-author of the Owen-Glass Act, as the Federal Reserve legislation was known in Congress. Please let me believe that a few of you old timers, at least, are familiar with these names first hand and not heresay. Glass struck out this stabilization provision. Oh, so you thought that bunch made glass and ceramic tiles for shuttle crafts and worked with Corning and thus and so? Small world isn't it? Senator Owen wrote, "I was unable to keep this manda­tory provision in the bill because of the secret hostilities developed against it, the origin of which at that time I did not fully understand."

The Federal Reserve Act, as signed by Woodrow Wilson, contained no stabi­lization mechanism, but it did contain plenty of factors which would make sta­bilization impossible.

Its manipulation of the discount rate to vary the amount of money in circula­tion, and its open market operations, dumping quantities of Government se­curities on the New York Exchange or withholding them to create credit ex­pansion or contraction, were the conditions directly responsible for the great­est disaster your country has ever suffered, the Great Depression of 1929-39. That, friends, is a whole decade of misery by manipulation.

The hostility of the influences behind the Federal Reserve Act towards any kind of monetary stabilization has been expressed in the official publications and statements of the Governors. Marriner Eccles, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, issued a memorandum March 13, 1939, stating that:

"The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System opposes any bill which proposes a stable price level."

Another bit of propaganda for the Federal Reserve Act in 1913 was the claim that it would perform many banking services for the government without charge. At the Senate OPA hearings in 1941, Rep. Wright Patman inquired of Marriner Eccles:

"Governor Eccles, when did the Federal Reserve System start charging the government agencies a service charge?" He replied, "I really couldn't say."

"Wasn't it intended when the Federal Reserve Act was passed that the Federal Reserve Bank would render this service without charge--since under the Act the government would give them the use of the government's credit free? asked Mr. Patman. Mr. Eccles replied, "I wouldn't think so."

To get the Federal Reserve Act made into law, the main lie used in the flood of speeches and writings poured out in favor of it was the claim that the nation s money and credit would be released from the domination of a few Wall Street bankers. The findings of the Pujo Committee were used to frighten the people into submitting to the monetary monster which had them at its mercy. You have got to save yourselves, the spokesmen for the Federal Reserve Act declared, andyour savior is this Federal Reserve System. These spokesmen, led by Rep. Carter Glass of Virginia, said that they had devised the perfect way to emasculate the power of Wall Street, namely, the regional Reserve System, which would divide the country up into eight or twelve Reserve bank districts, depending on whether Mr. Glass or Mr. Warburg made the final choice. Each of these districts would have equal power and equal representa­tion in the administration of the entire Reserve System. It was a completely democratic and almost perfect solution. Under the Glass (or Warburg) pro­posal, Kansas City or Denver would have as much control over the nation's money and credit as New York. Do you ones remember the "New States"? Do you think a thing has changed other than an increase in the power of your adversaries?

There was only one thing which appeared wrong with Glass' system. It seem­ingly ignored the fact that the nation's money market was in New York. This was no small item to simply have "overlooked". Even Marriner Eccles knew that, for he stated at the OPA hearings that: "New York is the only money market you have in this country."

This meant that these other reserve banks would have to go to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York whenever they wanted anything. Well, how about that! And, they would have to follow the wishes of the Governor of that bank. Consequently, the Federal Reserve System was to fall into the hands of two men during the first 15 years of its existence, Paul Warburg of Kuhn, Loeb Company, and Benjamin Strong of J. P. Morgan Company. Both of these men were at Jekyll Island when the banking legislation had been written, and both of them knew how to control it. Warburg was on the Board of Gover­nors for four years, and for the ten years after that he dominated the Board by his position as President of the Federal Advisory Council and as President of the American Acceptance Council. Benjamin Strong was Governor of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York from its opening in 1914 until his death in 1928, during a congressional investigation of the System. That is how Woodrow Wilson freed the nation's money and credit from New York bankers. The regional Reserve System could not be anything but a farce. It was designed solely to convince the American people that control of your financial resources was being taken out of Wall Street hands, and once that was done, the Congressmen could vote for the Federal Reserve Act without fear of reprisal from their constituents.

A Democratic President and a Democratic Congress had been elected in 1912 to get this bill through. Rep. Carter Glass of Virginia, Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, gets credit along with Wilson for finally passing the Act, although all that Wilson did was to sign on the dotted line. Woodrow Wilson was regarded generally by the leaders of the Democratic party as a newcomer and a stuffed shirt. Consequently, he enjoyed little power as President except for the patronage powers he possessed. He could do little towards actually getting Congress to pass the Federal Reserve Act. That job was done by the man who was the Democrat in the minds of the American people, William Jennings Bryan. He acted as Democratic whip to get the Act passed, and he was rewarded by being made Secretary of State. He later wrote that: "In my long political career, the one thing I genuinely re­gret is my part in getting the banking and currency legislation enacted into law". Perhaps you might re-read that statement before you move on.

TO FURTHER CONFUSE THE PEOPLE
To confuse the American people still further and to blind them to the real purpose of the Federal Reserve Act, the chief proponents of the Aldrich Plan, Sen. Nelson Aldrich and Frank Vanderlip, set up an enthusiastic hue and cry against the bill. You see this in action every day in every instance--confusion is Satan's primary tool. These two turkeys (and I insult the turkey) gave inter­views to reporters and politicians, anywhere they could find an audience, de­nouncing the Democratic party's banking legislation as inimical to bankers and to good government. The old issue of inflation was raised because of the Act's provisions for printing Federal Reserve Notes. Both Aldrich and Van­derlip spoke against "fiat money", that is, enough money being put into circu­lation to assure proper distribution of goods and services among the people. Indeed such was their enthusiasm in speaking against the Federal Reserve Act that they reversed themselves on several matters they had already plugged for in the Aldrich Plan, which brings to mind that adage about "liars should have good memories".

The Nation, on October 23, 1913, pointed out that: "Mr Aldrich him­self raised a hue and cry over the issue of government 'fiat money', that is, money issued without gold or bullion back of it, although a bill to do precisely that had been passed in 1908 with his own name as author, and he knew besides, that the 'government' had nothing to do with it, that the Federal Reserve Board would have full charge of the issuing of such moneys."

I trust this sounds familiar? "We need an amendment to prevent burning of the flag," when it is well covered in the Constitution. "We must have balanced budget amendment," when it is absolutely and beautifully set forth in your Con­stitution. And now they are going to cut out crime against you by removing your defense? They are also going to get rid of drugs by making sure you have abundant supply of same? Further, they make you sicker with their sanc­tioned "cures' from the conspirator's pharmaceutical houses than you were with the diseases they created and thrust upon your society. Tacky as truth may appear, you better stop looking at your "innocent government" who is a victim, as Mr. Cooper says, of the "little gray aliens". Does all this really sound like an innocent government "doing the best they can to protect you"? If it does, then you had best go look in the mirror and see who is there looking back at you! For if you believe they work in your behalf, you are indeed sick, my friend. LITTLE GRAY ALIENS ARE NOT YOUR ENEMY!!!!! THE BLACK DRAGON IN THE SEATS OF POWER IN HUMAN FORMAT--RIGHT ON YOUR PLANET AND IN YOUR NATION--ARE YOUR ENEMY AND THEY ARE OUT TO ANNIHILATE AT LEAST TWO THIRDS OF YOU--BY YEAR 2000.

If, as some of the UFO tout sheets project: "Could the aliens from outer space be coming to SAVE you?" Only in that we are going to certainly tell you the truth and what you must do to SAVE yourselves--we aren't going to SAVE ANYONE FROM ANYTHING. IF YOU WANT IT SAVED, YOU WILL SAVE IT. NO MORE AND NO LESS.

The Nation was the only public organ which pointed out that the issue of the money of the United States was being turned over to a body of men who were neither elected nor answerable to electors. Later, under Maurice Wertheim, it no longer pointed such criticisms. Aldrich and Vanderlip, in attacking the Federal Reserve Act on these grounds, were throwing up a smoke screen to make people think that the big bankers were afraid of the Act. Paul Warburg discreetly remained silent during the campaign for and against this legislation. He had already arranged, through his private emissary to President Wilson, the ubiquitous Colonel House, that if the Act were passed, Warburg would be chosen one of the first Governors.

Frank Vanderlip, however, threw himself into the comedy with such gusto that Sen. Robert L. Owen, chairman of the Senate Banking and Currency Committee, openly accused him of carrying on a campaign of misrepresenta­tion about the bill, as indeed he was. Owen pointed out that Vanderlip, President of the National City Bank of New York, was objecting to just those provisions in the Reserve Plan which he had fought for in the Aldrich Plan. Had Senator Owen known that both plans had originated during the secret expedition to Jekyll Island, he might have been even more vehement in denouncing Mr. Vanderlip. The first public reference to the Jekyll Island ad­venture, however, was not to appear for three more years, and no one in Washington mentioned it.

Practically all the newspapers and magazines which had any considerable cir­culation favored the Federal Reserve Act, of course, because by this point they were either indebted to the bankers or were owned directly by the bankers. No economic journal dared to compare the Act with the Aldrich Plan, but such comparison would show that, on most matters, including the in­troduction of trade acceptances into the country, there was no appreciable difference between the two plans, nor should there have been, since they were written by the same people--as two apples of the same variety grown in differ­ent orchards owned by the same orchard owner.

The editorial comments in 1913 agreed that if this bill became law, you would enter upon a period of general prosperity such as you had never known. The other extravagant claims for the Federal Reserve Act were its supposed bene­fits to the farmers, its purpose of stabilizing the integer of account (monetary unit), its functions of performing banking services for the national government without charge, and your complete emancipation from Wall Street domina­tion.

All above have been shown to be lies by the events of the last 60 years. The Federal Reserve System has done none of these things, but the biggest lie was that it would end money panics and business depressions. You were to have no more bank failures, no more farms seized by mortgage holders, no more factories closing down or unemployment. I don't know about you, but I am ready to throw-up. The Federal Reserve System could have done a great deal towards ending these things, but it has exerted its influence in the opposite di­rection because it was set up to enslave your population and it has succeeded.

The record of the Federal Reserve System proves that it double-crossed the farmers of America at a secret meeting on May 18, 1920, when it raised the rate to 7 per cent on agricultural paper and precipitated the Agricultural De­pression of 1920-21. It proves that the Board of Governors met with the heads of the great European central banks to make agreements which brought on the Great Depression of 1929-39, after most of your money had been poured into Wall Street because of the easy money policies and credit expansion activities of the System. Where do you sweethearts think you sit with all your wondrous credit cards and indebtedness? Could those cards be bank cards, perchance? To whom do you owe your soul? Do you begin to think you might have bargained with the Devil, perchance? Have you? It won't be God who forecloses on you, dear hearts!

The central bank mechanism of the Federal Reserve System involved you in the First World War, The Second World War and all the little non-wars in be­tween, all over your entire globe, and it is making the Third World War in­evitable. I suggest you take the matter of shelter systems most seriously in­deed.

WHAT OF CARTER GLASS?
Despite the growing publicity for the Federal Reserve Act and the influence of William J. Bryan on the Democratic congress, many Senators and Repre­sentatives who were familiar with the banking and currency legislation's im­port were not yet willing to wreck the Constitution and double-cross their con­stituents by voting for such a bill. The Senate Banking and Currency Commit­tee was ready to write its own version of the Owen-Glass Bill which Rep. Carter Glass, Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, was ready to send them, but Owen's contribution to the bill, the stabilization of the monetary unit (integer of account) had already been stricken out of the Act. The hearings before the two committees dragged on for many weeks. Many of the same bankers who had come down from New York to tell all before the Pujo Committee now appeared before Congress to speak in favor of the Fed­eral Reserve Act, a coincidence which the newspapers let pass unnoticed.

Andrew Frame stated before the House Committee that the plan still smacked too much of the government monarchies of Europe, and that it was not in accord with your institutions. This was as close as anybody came to calling the Act unconstitutional, which it was, since it proposed to remove congress' power of issuing money and credit and turn it over to an appointive body.

Frank Vanderlip declared before the Senate Committee that he now favored the Act, a second reversal of policy in as many months--"read his lips". He had come to the conclusion, he said, that the plan would proceed along demo­cratic lines, since the President would appoint all Board members for ten year terms.

Senator Weeks inquired of him, "Should the Federal Reserve hearings be public, as these hearings are before this Committee?"

"No", replied Mr. Vanderlip, "they are not exactly hearings, they are official meetings". The President of the National City Bank evidently felt that democ­racy was all right, but that it had to stop somewhere. Carter Glass agreed with him and said: "The meetings of the Federal Reserve Board are bank board meetings, and neither the public or reporters should be present". Neither Vanderlip nor Glass appears to consider the fact that these "bank board meetings' would be making decisions which would have a more important and more direct impact on the welfare of the American people than the decisions of Congress--AND NOT ONE CONFOUNDED THING HAS CHANGED, EXCEPT TO WORSEN! NOW IT ISN'T JUST YOUR MONEY--IT IS YOUR VERY LIVES!

Senator Root also raised the charge of inflation, claiming that under the Fed­eral Reserve Act, circulation would always expand indefinitely, causing great inflation. The history of the Federal Reserve System refutes this charge. The System has, if anything, kept the note circulation below the amount needed to carry on business and commerce in your country, except during the two World Wars, when it did double and triple the circulation. Even after the Great De­pression of 1929-39, when so much of the circulating medium had been with­drawn that the American people had to print their own money on wood and paper, the Federal Reserve System did not increase the amount of notes in circulation.

At the House Committee on Banking and Currency Hearings of 1913, Mr. Paul Warburg testified as follows:

"I am a member of the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb Company. I came over to this country in 1902, having been born and educated in the banking business in Hamburg, Germany, and studied banking in Lon­don and Paris, and have gone all around the world. In the Panic of 1907, the first suggestion I made was 'Let us get a national clearing house.' The Aldrich Plan contains some things which are simply fundamental rules of banking. Your aim in this plan (the Owen-Glass Bill) must be the same--centralizing of reserves, mobilizing commercial credit, and getting an elastic note issue." What do you suppose Mr. Kissinger would say in a situation like that? Do you think he would tell you all about his connections with Oliver North et al, the KGB et al, China et al and every Zionist elitist and on and on and on? I personally expect not.

Paul Warburg was the most clever of the important New York bankers. In all his writings and speeches and testimonials before congress, he never made a misstatement. For instance, he did not bother to mention at this appearance that the banking business he had been brought up in Hamburg, Germany, was his own family banking house of M. M. Warburg Company, a fact which might have been brought up later when he was nominated for the Board of Gover­nors of the Federal Reserve System. Warburg's term "mobilization of credit" was no accident either, for the First World War was due to begin in a few months as carefully planned, and the first big job on the docket for the System would be to finance the Allies in their war against Germany along with the Germans in their war against you "Allies".

Leslie Shaw, banker from Philadelphia, dissented with most of the other wit­nesses at these hearing when he testified that:

"Under the Aldrich Plan the bankers are to have local associations and district associations, and when you have a local organization, the cen­tered control is assured. Suppose we have a local association in Indi­anapolis; can you not name the three men who will dominate that association? And then can you not name the one man who will domi­nate the three? The same is true in Richmond and everywhere else. When you have hooked the banks together, they can have the biggest political influence of anything in this country, with the exception of the newspapers."

Mr. Shaw, of course, did not know that many newspapers were already owned by or mortgaged to, big banks, or that Frank Munsey, agent for J. P. Morgan Company sometimes bought newspapers to promote a single big stock issue, and sold these periodicals as soon as the stock was unloaded.

Dharma, allow us to close this portion please and we will finish the subject of the beginning on the morrow. It has been too long a day at the writing and I would have ones digest material before moving forward to simply get through the material. THIS IS YOUR LIFE, DEAR ONES--WHAT WILL YOU DO WITH IT?

Salu, I bid you a good-day and a restless sleep while you confront this circum­stance and decide which way ye shall go.

Aho! Hatonn to clear, please.


PJ 17
CHAPTER 8

REC #1 HATONN

SUNDAY, JULY 8, 1990 7:36 A.M. YEAR 3 DAY 326

CONTINUED CONTROVERSY
The most fiery of the opponents to the Federal Reserve Act was a lawyer from Cleveland, Ohio, named Alfred Crozier, who was the most outspoken critic of the Wall Street banking fraternity. Yes, there are honorable attor­neys; in fact, most attorneys, be they not Zionists pushed into the prostitution profession for purposes of the "Protocols", begin most honorable indeed; so it is also with physicians who are truly healers of mankind. Remember--the in­tent--always, remember the intent!

ALFRED CROZIER, ESO.
Mr. Crozier wrote about the Act of 1908, a few years later (U.S. MONEY vs. CORPORATION CURRENCY, 1912) which attacked the Aldrich-Vreeland Act as a Wall Street instrument and pointed out that when your government had to issue money based on privately owned securities, you would no longer be a free nation. The Federal Reserve System allowed the issue of notes on the privately owned shares of the Federal Reserve Banks. Crozier presented to the Senate Committee that:

"It should prohibit the granting or calling in of loans for the purpose of influencing quotation prices of securities and the contracting of loans or increasing interest rates in concert by the banks to influence public opinion or the action of any legislative body. Within recent months the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States was reported in the open press as charging specifically that there was a conspiracy among certain of the large banking interests to put a contraction upon the cur­rency and to raise interest rates for the sake of making the public force Congress into passing currency legislation desired by those interests. The so-called administration currency bill grants just what Wall Street and the big banks for 25 years have been striving for, that is, PRI­VATE INSTEAD OF PUBLIC CONTROL OF CURRENCY. It does this as completely as the Aldrich bill. Both measures rob the gov­ernment and the people of all effective control over the public's money, and vest in the banks exclusively the dangerous power to make money among the people scarce or plenty. The Aldrich bill puts this power in one central bank. The Administration bill puts it in twelve re­gional central banks, all owned exclusively by the identical private in­terests that would have owned and operated the Aldrich Bank. Presi­dent Garfield, shortly before his assassination, declared that whoever controls the supply of currency would control the business and activi­ties of all the people. Thomas Jefferson warned us a hundred years ago that a private central bank issuing the public currency was a greater menace to the liberties of the people than a standing army."

I would suppose that most of you now can understand the need for the mur­der of Mr. Garfield? Contrary to what is being touted by ones such as Mr. Cooper in his material, the assassination of John Kennedy involved several deliberate causes, from Mafia lessons, CIA/FBI take-out, etc. The major rea­son he had to be taken out was his attitude regarding interest bearing vs. non-interest bearing currency and he was getting ready to change it. So far, every­one with enough perceived power to make radical changes away from the banking cartel are slaughtered. Now, they are trying to assassinate God and get rid of all opposition, although most of mankind would pull the gun trigger for them for less than 30 pieces of silver. Almost anyone in the military, or­dered to do so, would do the job and feel himself a patriotic and blessed American doing his duty and saving his nation. Am I not right, Colonel Gritz?

REPRESENTATIVE CARTER GLASS

As the House spokesman for the Democratic Party, Rep. Carter Glass took occasion to make public the stormy record of the Republican organization, the National Monetary Commission, in its failure to prepare adequate bank­ing and currency legislation. His House Report in 1913 said:

"Senator MacVeagh fixes the cost of the National Monetary Com­mission to May 12, 1911, at $207,130. They have since spent another hundred thousand dollars of the taxpayers' money. The work done at such cost cannot be ignored, but, having examined the extensive litera­ture published by the Commission, the Banking and Currency Commit­tee finds little that bears upon the present state of the credit market of the United States. We object to the Aldrich Bill on the following points:

"Its entire lack of adequate government or public control of the bank­ing mechanism it sets up.

"Its tendency to throw voting control into the hands of the large banks of the system.

"The extreme danger of inflation of currency inherent in the scheme.

'The insincerity of the bond-refunding plan provided for by the mea­sure, there being a barefaced pretense that this system was to cost the government nothing.

'The dangerous monopolistic aspects of the bill.

"Our Committee at the outset of its work was met by a well-defined sentiment in favor of a central bank, which was the manifest outgrowth of the work that had been done by the National Monetary Commis­sion."

Representative Glass' denunciation of the Aldrich Bill as a central bank ig­nored the fact that his own Federal Reserve System would fulfill all the func­tions of a central bank, that is, its stock would be owned by private stockhold­ers who could use the government's credit for their own profit, since they would have the privilege of note issue on the government's credit; it would have control of the nation's money and credit resources; and it would finance the government by mobilizing credit in time of war. The Federal Reserve Sys­tem was acknowledged by economists in 1913 to be a bank issue like the Eu­ropean central banks.

The Federal Reserve Act, as Carter Glass presented it, was passed by the House virtually intact. It then went to the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, where such provisions of the Aldrich Bill as were deemed necessary were restored to it. In the Senate debate on the bill, Senator Stone said on December 12, 1913:

"The great banks for years sought to have and control agents in the Treasury to serve their purposes. Let me quote from this World article, `Just as soon as Mr. McAdoo came to Washington, a woman whom the National City Bank had installed in the Treasury Department to get advanced information on the condition of banks, and other matters of interest to the big Wall Street group, was removed. Immediately the Secretary and the Assistant Secretary, John Skelton Williams, were criticized severely by the agents of the Wall Street group.'

"I myself have known more than one occasion when bankers refused credit to men who opposed their political views and purposes. When Senator Aldrich and others were going around the country exploiting this scheme, the big banks of New York and Chicago were engaged in raising a munificent fund to bolster up the Aldrich propaganda. I have been told by bankers of my own state that contributions to this ex­ploitation fund have been demanded of them and that they had con­tributed because they were afraid of being blacklisted or boycotted. There are bankers of this country who are enemies of the public wel­fare. In the past, a few great banks have followed policies and projects that have paralyzed the industrial energies of the country to perpetu­ate their tremendous power over the financial and business industries of America."

INFAMOUS COLONEL HOUSE

The Federal Reserve Act, as altered by the Senate, was finally passed on De­cember 22, 1913 and strangely enough, the alterations only further enforced the power of the bankers. Then it went to Woodrow Wilson for his signature. Colonel House's connection with Warburg and the Act are revealed in a volume called The Intimate Papers of Colonel House. This journal contains the following notes which are worthy of presentation herein:

"Dec. 19, 1912. I talked with Paul Warburg over the telephone re­garding the currency reform. I told of my trip to Washington and what I had done there to get it in working order. I told him that the Senate and the Congressmen seemed anxious to do what he desired, and that President-elect Wilson thought straight concerning the issue.

"March 13, 1913. Warburg and I had an intimate discussion regarding currency reform.

"March 27, 1913. Mr. J. P. Morgan, Jr. and Mr. Denny of his firm came promptly at five. McAdoo came about ten minutes afterward. Morgan had a currency plan already printed. I suggested he have it typewritten, so it would not seem too prearranged, and send it to Wil­son and myself today.

"Oct. 13, 1913. Paul Warburg was my first caller today. He came to discuss the currency measure. There are too many features of the Owen-Glass Bill that he does not approve. I promised to put him in touch with McAdoo and Senator Owen so that he might discuss it with them.

"Nov. 17, 1913. Paul Warburg telephoned about his trip to Washing­ton. Later, he and Mr. Jacob Schiff came over for a few minutes. Warburg did most of the talking. He had a new suggestion in regard to grouping the regional reserve banks so as to get the units welded to­gether and in easier touch with the Federal Reserve Board."

Colonel House was often referred to as the "unofficial" Secretary of State. It would be more appropriate to call Mr. House your "unofficial" President during the Wilson years, for it was House who was representing you at Ver­sailles. When Wilson went over, the European politicians laughed at him for his self-importance. They knew who pulled his puppet strings.

Mr. House also wrote in his memoirs that he and Wilson knew that in passing the Federal Reserve Act they had created an instrument more powerful than the Supreme Court. The Federal Reserve Board of Governors is a Supreme Court of Finance, and it forced the Supreme Court to its knees in 1935 when the Justices were made to approve the criminal conspiracy of Roosevelt, Morgenthau, and the international gold dealers to alter the price of gold. If the Justices had disapproved, writes Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau, "We were ready to rush through an alternate policy."

Warburg's plan to get the units welded together was merely an indication of his anxiety to get them under as tight control as possible. House's papers also reveal it was he who gave Warburg's name to Wilson as candidate for Gover­nor of the first Federal Reserve Board. Wilson approved the choice because of Warburg's interest and experience in currency problems under both Re­publican and Democratic administrations.

You see, the more egotistical a man the more probable will be his own won­drous diary of activities and thereby history can be rebuilt. Today, of course, it is voice tapes which will contain the documentation. Evil men always write the historical plays for the stage of life; for honorable men, with ego under control instead of controlling them, care not about the wondrous exploits, for the honor and truth are most natural to them and certainly nothing to be noted in documents.

Woodrow Wilson had been piqued by the consistent opposition to the Federal Reserve Act in Congress, and he was haunted by the fear that he would not be able to deliver the goods to his employers. When the bill finally reached him, on December 23, 1913, he refused at first to sign it because of the provisions for the selection of Class B Directors. Bernard Baruch (relates William L. White in his biography of that great man), a principal contributor to Wilson's campaign fund, hurried over to the White House and told Wilson it did not matter. That could be fixed up later; the main thing was to get the thing signed into law. With this reassurance, Wilson signed the Federal Reserve Act on December 23, 1913. On that day the Constitution ceased to be the governing covenant of the American people and your liberties were handed over to a small group of international bankers.

That same day Representative Moore of Kansas said, on the floor of the House of Representatives:

"The President of the United States now becomes the absolute dictator of all the finances of the country. He appoints a controlling board of seven men, all of whom belong to his political party, even though it is a minority. The Secretary of the Treasury is to rule supreme whenever there is a difference of opinion between himself and the Federal Re­serve Board. AND, only one member of the Board is to pass out of of­fice while the President is in office."

The ten year terms of office of the members of the Board, lengthened by the Banking Act of 1935 to FOURTEEN YEARS, meant that these dictators of finance, although not elected by the people, held office longer than any elected official. Now, they may hold office longer than three Presidents.

CONGRESSMAN CHARLES A. LINDBERGH
It remained for Congressman Lindbergh to make the final statement on the swindle which had been perpetrated on the American people. Speaking after Representative Moore on that day of December 23, 1913, he said:

"This Act establishes the most gigantic trust on Earth. When the President signs this bill, the invisible government by the monetary power will be legalized. The people may not know it immediately, but the day of reckoning is only a few years removed. The trusts will soon realize that they have gone too far even for their own good. The peo­ple must make a declaration of independence to relieve themselves from the monetary power. This they will be able to do by taking con­trol of Congress. Wall Streeters could not cheat us if you Senators and Representatives did not make a humbug of Congress. The division of Congress into political parties is a crime. The main object of the bosses in both political parties is to get offices and grant special favors at the people's expense. This is inherently a national government, and that is why party government is unsuccessful in dealing with economic problems. If we had a people's Congress, there would be stability. The greatest crime of Congress is its currency system. The worst leg­islative crime of the ages is perpetrated by this banking and currency bill. The caucus and the party bosses have again operated and pre­vented the people from getting the benefits of their own government."

Yes, of course, this opposition is what eventually resulted in the death of his grandson who was kidnapped and held for ransom and "silence".

Lindbergh was overly optimistic in thinking that the trust dictatorship of the United States would last only a few years. The American people were kept from rising against oppression at home by being sent abroad to fight in two world wars in which you as a people had no immediate political or economic stake. Between wars, two great depressions kept your people scrambling for your daily bread. You simply have not really had the time to object to any­thing and worse, they made sure you didn't know you had anything to which to object. Even you who are reading this book: less than one one hundredth percent of the readers have any notion about the Federal Reserve System and certainly have no notion as to how it came about--you will NOT find it taught at any level of growth within the political academia.

Lindbergh's theory that party government is unsuccessful in dealing with eco­nomic problems could neither be proved or disproved, because party govern­ment has not dealt with economic problems since the days of Jefferson and Adams.The architects and contrivers of the economic inequalities and insta­bilities existing in your country are the leaders and owners of the major po­litical parties. They will not move to improve them; they are placed there to insure their continuance until such time as they can be cemented within the pages of a new Constitution which will lock the door of your prison cell for­ever more. Who of you are willing to raise your voice against this dragon?

How many of you will claim to be doing the work of God and stand silent be­cause Satan is telling you, "God wouldn't mingle in Caesar's world."? Caesar does not have a world--he has stolen yours; that which was gifted by Creator for your use. Creator is come forth again in truth of the WORD WHICH IS to reclaim His property--who will stand with us, the Hosts and Guardians? So be it.

How many do you know who have read almost none of the Journals, pro­nounce their judgment based upon denouncement of another or from fear, and resume the cursing and floundering in helpless wonderment about "what to do"? How many? How many, based just on the perusal of one Wm. Cooper who has neither read the Journals nor cares to participate in truth--only HIS projection of furthering the lie? How many of you know ones who cast aside truth through statements made against this scribe from the Gate­house in Sedona? Do you actually believe, oh ye of so little faith, that your Father/Mother Creator would leave you without resource of instructions during this time of transition and tribulation upon your planet? Satan leaves you in blindness and without recourse--NOT GOD. Satan will pronounce that he will "do it for you". GOD WILL NOT--GOD WILL TELL YOU "HOW' AND YOU WILL DO OF IT IN YOUR OWN FREE-WILL. IF YOU CARE NOT ENOUGH TO RISE AND STAND FOR SELF, BROTHER, NATION AND PLANET--THEN YE SHALL DESERVE WHATEVER SHALL BE THINE HARVEST. TODAY IS THE DAY OF PLANTING AND THE GROWING SEA­SON IS ALMOST FINISHED--WHAT KIND OF HARVEST SHALL YE REAP? AMEN.

LOUIS T. MC FADDEN (R-PA.)
Dharma, allow us a rest please. This man is great enough to devote at least two chapters to this great energy. He made a speech to the House of Representatives on June 10, 1932, and it is worthy of complete reproduction herein and so shall it be.

I shall await your return to the keyboard. The pressures are great on you ones, Dharma, but you shall be sustained and Light of Truth shall be your legacy to a darkened land and people. YOU DO NOT WALK ALONE AND THOSE WHO HAVE COME BEFORE AND BROUGHT FORTH TRUTH SHALL BE HONORED FOR THE DAY OF THE LORD IS AT HAND. GLORY AND TRUTH IN THE FREEDOM OF THAT WHICH IS SHALL AGAIN SHINE ACROSS THE LANDS. TAKE MY HAND AND I SHALL SHOW YOU THE WAY, IS THE PROMISE. YE SHALL DO OF THE FULFILLING! SO BE IT IN THE POWER OF THAT WHICH I AM.