PJ#097, HEAVE-`EM OUT Phase Three, Part 1

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PJ 97

CHAPTER 3

REC #2 HATONN

MON., MAY 30, 1994 10:20 A.M. YEAR 7, DAY 287

MON., MAY 30, 1994

CONSTITUTION-FEDERALIST PAPERS
(Chapter 7)

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1

SECTION 5, PARAGRAPH 1

Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller num­ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide.

Federalist Papers, No comment.

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 5, PARAGRAPH 2

Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.

Federalist Papers, No comment.

CONSTIMTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 5, PARAGRAPH 3

Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the jour­nal.

Federalist Papers, No comment.

CONSTITUTION: ARTI LE 1
SECTION 5, PARAGRAPH 4

Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, with­out the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

CONSTITUTION: ARTI LE 1
SECTION 6, PARAGRAPH 1

The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensa­tion for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

Federalist Papers, No comment.

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 6, PARAGRAPH 2

No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been in­creased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office.

Federalist Papers, Excerpts:

No. 55, Par. 9, James Madison:

Is the danger apprehended from the other branches of the federal government? But where are the means to be found by the President, or the Senate, or both? Their emoluments of of­fice, it is to be presumed, will not, and without a previous cor­ruption of the House of Representatives cannot, more than suf­fice for very different purposes; their private fortunes, as they must all be American citizens, cannot possibly be sources of danger. The only means, then, which they can possess, will be in the dispensation of appointments. Is it here that suspicion rests her charge? Sometimes we are told that this fund of cor­ruption is to be exhausted by the President in subduing the virtue of the Senate. Now, the fidelity of the other House is to be the victim. The improbability of such a mercenary and perfidious combination of the several members of government, standing on as different foundations as republican principles will well admit, and at the same time accountable to the society over which they are placed, ought alone to quiet this apprehension. But, fortu­nately, the Constitution has provided a still further safeguard. The members of the Congress are rendered ineligible to any civil offices that may be created, or of which the emoluments may be increased, during the term of their election. No offices therefore can be dealt out to the existing members but such as may become vacant by ordinary casualties, and to suppose that these would be sufficient to purchase the guardians of the peo­ple, selected by the people themselves, is to renounce every rule by which events ought to be calculated and to substitute an in­discriminate and unbounded jealousy with which all reasoning must be vain. The sincere friends of liberty who give them­selves up to the extravagancies of this passion are not aware of the injury they do their own cause. As there is a degree of de­pravity in mankind which requires a certain degree of circum­spection and distrust, so there are other qualities in human na­ture which justify a certain portion of esteem and confidence. Republican government presupposes the existence of these qual­ities in a higher degree than any other form. Were the pictures which have been drawn by the political jealousy of some among us, faithful likenesses of the human character, the inference would be that there is not sufficient virtue among men for self-government and that nothing less than the chains of despotism can restrain them from destroying and devouring one another. PUBLIUS

No. 77, Par. 1, Alexander Hamilton:

It has been mentioned as one of the advantages to be expected from the co-operation of the Senate, in the business of appoint­ments, that it would contribute to the stability of the admin­istration. The consent of that body would be necessary to dis­place as well as to appoint. A change of the Chief Magistrate, therefore, would not occasion so violent or so general a revo­lution in the officers of the government as might be expected if he were the sole disposer of offices. Where a man in any sta­tion had given satisfactory evidence of his fitness for it, a new President would be restrained for attempting a change in favor of a person more agreeable to him by the apprehension that a discountenance of the Senate might frustrate the attempt, and bring some degree of discredit upon himself. Those who can best estimate the value of a steady administration will be most disposed to prize a provision which connects the official exis­tence of public men with the approbation or disapprobation of that body which, from the greater permanency of its own com­position, will in all probability be less subject to inconstancy than any other member of the government.

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 7, PARAGRAPH 1

All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments on other bills.


No. 66, Par. 7, Alexander Hamilton:

But independent of this most active and operative principle, to secure the equilibrium of the national House of Representa­tives, the plan of the convention has provided in its favor several important counterpoises to the additional authorities to be con­ferred upon the Senate. The exclusive privilege of originating money bills will belong to the House of Representatives. The same house will possess the sole right of instituting impeach­ments; is not this a complete counterbalance to that of deter­mining them? The same house will be the umpire in all elec­tions of the President which do not unite the suffrages of a ma­jority of the whole number of electors; a case which it cannot be doubted will sometimes, if not frequently, happen. The constant possibility of the thing must be a fruitful source of influence to that body. The more it is contemplated, the more important will appear this ultimate though contingent power of deciding the competitions of the most illustrious citizens of the Union, for the first office in it. It would not perhaps be rash to predict that, as a mean influence, it will be found to outweigh all the peculiar attributes of the Senate.

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 7, PARAGRAPH 2

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representa­tives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be pre­sented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it but if not, he shall return it with his objec­tions to the house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, to­gether with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered and, if approved by two thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respec­tively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjourn­ment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.

Federalist Papers, Excerpts:

No. 69, Par. 5, Alexander Hamilton:

The President of the United States is to have power to return a bill, which shall have passed the two branches of the legisla­ture, for reconsideration; but the bill so returned is not to be­come a law unless, upon that reconsideration, it be approved by two thirds of both houses. The King of Great Britain, on his part, has an absolute negative upon the acts of the two houses of parliament. The disuse of that power for a considerable time past does not affect the reality of its existence and is to be as­cribed wholly to the crown's having found the means of substi­tuting influence to authority, or the art of gaining a majority in one or the other of the two houses, to the necessity of exerting a prerogative which could seldom be exerted without hazarding some degree of national agitation. The qualified negative of the President differs widely from this absolute negative of the British sovereign and tallies exactly with the revisionary authority of the council of revision of this State, of which the governor is a constituent part. In this respect the power of the President would exceed that of the governor of New York because the former would possess, singly, what the latter shares with the chancellor and judges; but it would be precisely the same with that of the governor of Massachusetts, whose constitution, as to this article, seems to have been the original from which the con­vention have copied.

No. 73, Par. 3, Alexander Hamilton:

The last of the requisites to energy which have been enumer­ated are competent powers. Let us proceed to consider those which are proposed to be vested in the President of the United States.

The first thing that offers itself to our observation is the qualified negative of the President upon the acts or resolution of the two houses of the legislature; or, in other words, his power of returning all bills with objections to have the effect of pre­venting their becoming laws, unless they should afterwards be ratified by two thirds of each of the component members of the legislative body.

The propensity of the legislative department to intrude upon the rights, and to absorb the powers, of the other departments has been already more than once suggested. The insufficiency of a mere parchment delineation of the boundaries of each has also been remarked upon, and the necessity of furnishing each with constitutional arms for its own defense has been inferred and proved. From these clear and indubitable principles results the propriety of a negative, either absolute or qualified, in the executive upon the acts of the legislative branches. Without the one or the other, the former would be absolutely unable to de­fend himself against the depredations of the latter. He might gradually be stripped of his authorities by successive resolutions or annihilated by a single vote. And in the one mode or the other, the legislative and executive powers might speedily come to be blended in the same hands. If even no propensity had ever discovered itself in the legislative body to invade the rights of the executive, the rules of just reasoning and theoretic propriety would of themselves teach us that the one ought not to be left to the mercy of the other but ought to possess a constitutional and effectual power of self-defense.

But the power in question has a further use. It not only serves as a shield to the executive, but it furnishes an additional security against the enaction of improper laws. It establishes a salutary check upon the legislative body, calculated to guard the community against the effects of faction, precipitancy, or of any impulse unfriendly to the public good, which may happen to in­fluence a majority of that body.

The propriety of a negative has, upon some occasions, been combated by an observation that it was not to be presumed a single man would possess more virtue and wisdom than a num­ber of men; and that unless this presumption should be enter­tained, it would be improper to give the executive magistrate any species of control over the legislative body.

But this observation, when examined, will appear rather specious than solid. The propriety of the thing does not turn upon the supposition of superior wisdom or virtue in the execu­tive, but upon the supposition that the legislature will not be in­fallible; that the love of power may sometimes betray it into a disposition to encroach upon the rights of other members of the government; that a spirit of faction may sometimes pervert its deliberations; that impressions of the moment may sometimes hurry it into measures which itself, on maturer reflection, would condemn. The primary inducement to conferring the power in question upon the executive is to enable him to defend himself; the secondary one is to increase the chances in favor of the community against the passing of bad laws, through haste, inad­vertence, or design. The oftener the measure is brought under examination, the greater the diversity in the situations of those who are to examine it, the less must be the danger of those er­rors which flow from want of due deliberation, or of those mis­steps which proceed from the contagion of some common pas­sion or interest. It is far less probable that culpable views of any kind should infect all the parts of the government at the same moment and in relation to the same object than that they should by turns govern and mislead every one of them.

It may perhaps be said that the power of preventing bad laws includes that of preventing good ones; and may be used to the one purpose as well as to the other. But this objection will have little weight with those who can properly estimate the mischiefs of that inconstancy and mutability in the laws, which form the greatest blemish in the character and genius of our governments. They will consider every institution calculated to restrain the ex­cess of lawmaking, and to keep things in the same State in which they happen to be at any given period as much more likely to do good than harm; because it is favorable to greater stability in the system of legislation. The injury which may pos­sibly be done by defeating a few good laws will be amply com­pensated by the advantage of preventing a number of bad ones.

Nor is this all. The superior weight and influence of the leg­islative body in a free government and the hazard to the execu­tive in a trial of strength with that body afford a satisfactory security that the negative would generally be employed with great caution; and that there would oftener be room for a charge of timidity than of rashness in the exercise of it. A king of Great Britain, with all his train of sovereign attributes, and with all the influence he draws from a thousand sources, would, at this day, hesitate to put a negative upon the joint resolutions of the two houses of Parliament. He would not fail to exert the utmost re­sources of that influence to strangle a measure disagreeable to him, in its progress to the throne, to avoid being reduced to the dilemma of permitting it to take effect, or of risking the displea­sure of the nation by an opposition to the sense of the legislative body. Nor is it probable that he would ultimately venture to ex­ert his prerogative, but in a case of manifest propriety, or extreme necessity. All well-informed men in that kingdom will accede to the justness of this remark. A very considerable period has elapsed since the negative of the crown has been exer­cised.

If a magistrate so powerful and so well fortified as a British monarch would have scruples about the exercise of the power under consideration, how much greater caution may be reason­ably expected in a President of the United States, clothed for the short period of four years with the executive authority of a gov­ernment wholly and purely republican?


It is evident that there would be greater danger of his not us­ing. his power when necessary, than of his using it too often, or too much. An argument, indeed, against its expediency, has been drawn from this very source. It has been represented, on this account, as a power odious in appearance, useless in prac­tice. But it will not follow that, because it might be rarely exer­cised, it would never be exercised. In the case for which it is chiefly designed, that of an immediate attack upon the constitu­tional rights of the executive, or in a case in which the public good was evidently and palpably sacrificed, a man of tolerable firmness would avail himself of his constitutional means of de­fense, and would listen to the admonitions of duty and responsi­bility. In the former supposition, his fortitude would be stimu­lated by his immediate interest in the power of his office; in the latter, by the probability of the sanction of his constituents who, though they would naturally incline to the legislative body in a doubtful case, would hardly suffer their partiality to delude them in a very plain case. I speak now with an eye to a magistrate possessing only a common share of firmness. There are men who, under any circumstances, will have the courage to do their duty at every hazard.

But the convention have pursued a mean in this business, which will both facilitate the exercise of the power vested in this respect in the executive magistrate, and make its efficacy to de­pend on the sense of a considerable part of the legislative body. Instead of an absolute negative, it is proposed to give the execu­tive the qualified negative already described. This is a power which would be much more readily exercised than the other. A man who might be afraid to defeat a law by his single VETO might not scruple to return it for reconsideration, subject to be­ing finally rejected only in the event of more than one third of each house concurring in the sufficiency of his objections. He would be encouraged by the reflection that if his opposition should prevail, it would embark in it a very respectable propor­tion of the legislative body whose influence would be united with his in supporting the propriety of this conduct in the public opinion. A direct and categorical negative has something in the appearance of it more harsh, and more apt to irritate, than the mere suggestion of argumentative objections to be approved or disapproved by those to whom they are addressed. In propor­tion as it would be less apt to offend, it would be more apt to be exercised, and for this very reason it may in practice be found more effectual. It is to be hoped that it will not often happen that improper views will govern so large a proportion as two thirds of both branches of the legislature at the same time and this, too, in defiance of the counterpoising weight of the execu­tive. It is at any rate far less probable that this should be the case than that such views should taint the resolutions and con­duct of a bare majority. A power of this nature in the executive will often have a silent and unperceived, through forcible, oper­ation. When men, engaged in unjustifiable pursuits, are aware that obstructions may come from a quarter which they cannot control, they will often be restrained by the bare apprehension of opposition from doing what they would with eagerness rush into if no such external impediments were to be feared.

This qualified negative, as has been elsewhere remarked, is in the State vested in a council, consisting of the governor, with the chancellor and judges of the Supreme Court, or any two of them. It has been freely employed upon a variety of occasions, and frequently with success. And its utility has become so ap­parent, that persons who, in compiling the Constitution, were violent opposers of it, have from experience become its declared admirers. (Mr. Abraham Yates, a warm opponent of the plan of the convention, is of this number).

I have in another place remarked that the convention, in the formation of this part of their plan, had departed from the model of the constitution of this State in favor of that of Massachusetts. Two strong reasons may be imagined for this preference. One is that the judges, who are to be the interpreters of the law, might receive an improper bias from having given a previous opinion in their revisionary capacities; the other is that by being often associated with the executive, they might be induced to embark too far in the political views of that magistrate, and thus a dangerous combination might by degrees be cemented between the executive and judiciary departments. It is impossible to keep the judges too distinct from every other avocation than that of expounding the laws. It is peculiarly dangerous to place them in a situation to be either corrupted or influenced by the executive. PUBLIUS
[H: Please go back and read that LAST sentence and then perhaps you'll see how far you have strayed!]

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 7, PARAGRAPH 3

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limita­tions prescribed in the case of a bill.

Federalist Papers, Excerpts:

No, 69, Par. 5, Alexander Hamilton, and
No. 73, Par. 3, Alexander Hamilton, are applicable to this paragraph as well.

END OF CHAPTER SEVEN

CHAPTER 4

REC #2 HATONN

TUE., MAY 31, 1994 12:29 P.M. YEAR 7, DAY 288

TUE., MAY 31, 1994

CONSTITUTION-FEDERALIST PAPERS
(Chapter 8)

[H: This section of your Constitution is just about the most important segment for it deals with all those things which have been usurped incorrectly, destroyed blatantly and taken over by the Elite power-brokers under guise of amendments, emergencies, total lies, executive orders and by letting (causing) the public to cease knowing anything in the original set of rules by replacing them with that which seemed sound at the time of inspiration but later became simply a tool integrated without asking, unlawfully instituted and perpetuated and, ultimately, rewriting to suit selves for a New World Order. Each thing in this section deserves so much attention from every aspect but we will diligently offer only that which is referenced and in the manner referenced by the persons in point at the writing and debating. Read carefully and weep for your nation.... Indeed, you have reached "childhood's end" in so many ways as to be lost in the counting!
The amount of writing will be large so we will effort to break up the portions into manageable lengths with an eye to continuity. We ask that readers bear with us for some will literally, as in paragraph 1, Sec. 8, be inclusive of many pages of documentation. Let us just hold together and get through this task at hand and later we will all be grateful for the opportunity of again sharing with the original drawers of the Constitution along with the original reasoning and expla­nations offered. You do not have to take "modern" man's interpretation--go to the "horse" if you want information from the "horse's mouth"!]

CONSTITUTION: ARTICLE 1
SECTION 8, PARAGRAPH 1

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

Federalist Papers, Excerpts:

No. 30, Alexander Hamilton:


It has been already observed that the federal government ought to possess the power of providing for the support of the national forces; in which proposition was intended to be in­cluded the expense of raising troops, of building and equipping fleets, and all other expenses in any wise connected with mili­tary arrangements and operations. But these are not the only objects to which the jurisdiction of the Union in respect to revenue must necessarily be empowered to extend. It must em­brace a provision for the support of the national civil list; for the payment of the national debts contracted, or that may be con­tracted; and, in general, for all those matters which will call for disbursements out of the national treasury. The conclusion is that there must be interwoven in the frame of the government a general power of taxation, in one shape or another.

Money is, with propriety, considered as the vital principle of the body politic; as that which sustains its life and motion and enables it to perform its most essential functions. A complete power, therefore, to procure a regular and adequate supply of revenue, as far as the resources of the community will permit, may be regarded as an indispensable ingredient in every consti­tution. From a deficiency in this particular, one or two evils must ensue: either the people must be subjected to continual plunder, as a substitute for a more eligible mode of supplying the public wants, or the government must sink into a fatal atro­phy, and, in a short course of time, perish.

In the Ottoman or Turkish empire the sovereign, though in other respects absolute master of the lives and fortunes of his subjects, has no right to impose a new tax. The consequence is that he permits the bashaws or governors of provinces to pillage the people at discretion, and, in turn, squeezes out of them the sums of which he stands in need to satisfy his own exigencies and those of the State. In America, from a like cause, the gov­ernment of the Union has gradually dwindled into a state of de­cay, approaching nearly to annihilation. Who can doubt that the happiness of the people in both countries would be promoted by competent authorities in the proper hands to provide the rev­enues which the necessities of the public might require?

The present Confederation, feeble as it is, intended to repose in the United States an unlimited power of providing for the pe­cuniary wants of the Union. But proceeding upon an erroneous principle, it has been done in such a manner as entirely to have frustrated the intention. Congress, by the articles, which com­pose that compact (as has already been stated), are authorized to ascertain and call for any sums of money necessary in their judgment to the service of the United States; and their requisi­tions, if conformable to the rule of apportionment, are in every constitutional sense obligatory upon the States. These have no right to question the propriety of the demand; no discretion be­yond that of devising the ways and means of furnishing the sums demanded. But though this be strictly and truly the case; though the assumption of such a right would be an infringement of the articles of Union; though it may seldom or never have been avowedly claimed; yet in practice it has been constantly exer­cised and would continue to be so as long as the revenues of the Confederacy should remain dependent on the intermediate agency of its members. What the consequences of this system have been is within the knowledge of every man the least con­versant in our public affairs and has been abundantly unfolded in different parts of these inquiries.
It is this which has chiefly contributed to reduce us to a situation which affords ample cause of mortification to ourselves, and of triumph to our enemies.

What remedy can there be for this situation, but in a change of the system which has produced it--in a change of the falla­cious and delusive system of quotas and requisitions? What sub­stitute can there be imagined for this ignis fatuus in finance, but that of permitting the national government to raise its own rev­enues by the ordinary methods of taxation authorized in every well-ordered constitution of civil government? Ingenious men may declaim with plausibility on any subject; but no human in­genuity can point out any other expedient to rescue us from the inconveniences and embarrassments naturally resulting from de­fective supplies of the public treasury.

The more intelligent adversaries of the new Constitution ad­mit the force of this reasoning; but they qualify their admission by a distinction between what they call internal and external taxation. The former they would reserve to the State governments; the latter, which they explain into commercial imposts, or rather duties on imported articles, they declare themselves willing to concede to the federal head. This distinction, however, would violate that fundamental maxim of good sense and sound policy, which dictates that every POWER ought to be proportionate to its OBJECT; and would still leave the general government in a kind of tutelage to the State governments, in­consistent with every idea of vigor or efficiency. Who can pretend that commercial imposts are, or would be, alone equal to the present and future exigencies of the union? Taking into the account the existing debt, foreign and domestic, upon any plan of extinguishment which a man moderately impressed with the importance of public justice and public credit could approve, in addition to the establishments which all parties will acknowledge to be necessary, we could not reasonably flatter ourselves that this resource alone, upon the most improved scale, would even suffice for its present necessities. Its future necessities admit not of calculation or limitation; and upon the principle more than once adverted to the power of making provision for them as they arise ought to be equally unconfined. I believe it may be re­garded as a position warranted by the history of mankind that, in the usual progress of things, the necessities of a nation, in every stage of its existence, will be found at least equal to its re­sources.

To say that deficiencies may be provided for by requisitions upon the States is
on the one hand to acknowledge that this sys­tem cannot be depended upon, and on
the other hand to depend upon it for everything beyond a certain limit. Those who
have carefully attended to its vices and deformities as they have been exhibited
by experience or delineated in the course of these pa­pers must feel an invincible repugnancy to trusting the national interests in any degree to its operation. Its inevitable tendency, whenever it is brought into activity, must be to enfeeble the
Union and sow the seeds of discord and contention between the federal head and
its members, and between the members themselves. Can it be expected that the deficiencies would be better supplied in this mode than the total wants of the Union have heretofore been supplied in the same mode? It ought to be rec­ollected that if less will be required from the States, they will have proportionably less means to answer the demand. If the opinions of those who contend for the distinction which has been mentioned were to be received as evidence of truth, one would be led to conclude that there was some known point in the econ­omy of national affairs at which it would be safe to stop and to say: Thus far the ends of public happiness will be promoted by supplying the wants of government, and all beyond this is un­worthy of our care or anxiety. How is it possible that a gov­ernment half supplied and always necessitous can fulfill the pur­poses of its institution, can provide for the security, advance the prosperity, or support the reputation of the commonwealth? How can it ever possess either energy or stability, dignity or credit, confidence at home or respectability abroad? How can its administration be anything else than a succession of expedi­ents, temporizing, impotent, disgraceful? How will it be able to avoid a frequent sacrifice of its engagements to immediate ne­cessity? How can it undertake or execute any liberal or en­larged plans of public good?

Let us attend to what would be the effects of this situation in the very first war in which we should happen to be engaged. We will presume, for argument's sake, that the revenue arising from the impost duties answers the purposes of a provision for the public debt and of a peace establishment for the Union. Thus circumstanced, a war breaks out. What would be the probable conduct of the government in such an emergency? Taught by experience that proper dependence could not be placed on the success of requisitions, unable by its own author­ity to lay hold of fresh resources, and urged by considerations of national danger, would it not be driven to the expedient of diverting the funds already appropriated from their proper objects to the defense of the State? It is not easy to see how a step of this kind could be avoided; and if it should be taken, it is evident that it would prove the destruction of public credit at the very moment that it was becoming essential to the public safety. To imagine that at such a crisis credit might be dispensed with would be the extreme of infatuation. In the modern system of war, nations the most wealthy are obliged to have recourse to large loans. A country so little opulent as ours must feel this necessity in a much stronger degree. But who would lend to a government that prefaced its overtures for borrowing by an act which demonstrated that no reliance could be placed on the steadiness of its measures for paying? The loans it might be able to procure would be as limited in their extent as burden­some in their conditions. They would be made upon the same principles that usurers commonly lend to bankrupt and fraudu­lent debtors--with a sparing hand and at enormous premiums.

It may perhaps be imagined that from the scantiness of the resources of the country the necessity of diverting the estab­lished funds in the case supposed would exist, though the na­tional government should possess an unrestrained power of taxation. But two considerations will serve to quiet all apprehen­sion on this head: one is that we are sure the resources of the community, in their full extent, will be brought into activity for the benefit of the Union; the other is that whatever deficiencies there may be can without difficulty be supplied by loans.

The power of creating new funds upon new objects of taxa­tion by its own authority would enable the national government to borrow as far as its necessities might require. Foreigners, as well as the citizens of America, could then reasonably repose confidence in its engagements; but to depend upon thirteen other governments for the means of fulfilling its contracts, when once its situation is clearly understood, would require a degree of credulity not often to be met with in the pecuniary transactions of mankind, and little reconcilable with the usual sharp-sighted­ness of avarice.

Reflections of this kind may have trifling weight with men who hope to see realized in America the halcyon scenes of the poetic or fabulous age; but to those who believe we are likely to experience a common portion of the vicissitudes and calamities which have fallen to the lot of other nations, they must appear entitled to serious attention. Such men must behold the actual situation of their country with painful solicitude, and deprecate the evils which ambition or revenge might, with too much facil­ity, inflict upon it. PUBLIUS

No. 31, Alexander Hamilton:

In disquisitions of every kind there are certain primary truths, or first principles, upon which all subsequent reasonings must depend. These contain an internal evidence which, antecedent to all reflection or combination, commands the assent of the mind. Where it produces not this effect, it must proceed either from some disorder in the organs of perception, or from the influence of some strong interest, or passion, or prejudice. Of this nature are the maxims in geometry that the whole is greater than its parts; that things equal to the same are equal to one an­other; that two straight lines cannot enclose a space; and that all right angles are equal to each other. Of the same nature are these other maxims in ethics and politics, that there cannot be an effect without a cause; that the means ought to be proportioned to the end; that every power ought to be commensurate with its object; that there ought to be no limitation of a power destined to effect a purpose which is itself incapable of limitation. And there are other truths in the two latter sciences which, if they cannot pretend to rank in the class of axioms, are yet such direct inferences from them, and so obvious in themselves, and so agreeable to the natural and unsophisticated dictates of common sense that they challenge the assent of a sound and unbiased mind with a degree of force and conviction almost equally irre­sistible.

The objects of geometrical inquiry are so entirely abstracted from those pursuits which stir up and put in motion the unruly passions of the human heart that mankind, without difficulty, adopt not only the more simple theorems of the science, but even those abstruse paradoxes which, however they may appear susceptible of demonstration, are at variance with the natural conceptions which the mind, without the aid of philosophy, would be led to entertain upon the subject. The INFINITE DIVISIBILITY of matter, or, in other words, the INFINITE divisibility of a FINITE thing, extending even to the minutest atom, is a point agreed among geometricians, though not less incomprehensible to common sense than any of those mysteries in religion against which the batteries of infidelity have been so industriously leveled.
[H: Reread that paragraph, please, considering the terms, references to matter, etc., and re­mind yourselves that this was written IN 1788 (OVER 200 YEARS AGO)! COULD IT NOT HAVE BEEN WRITTEN "FIRST", THIS AFTERNOON? JUST HOW FAR HAVE YOU GONE--FRIENDS?]
But in the sciences of morals and politics, men are found far less tractable.
To a certain degree it is right and useful that this should be the case. Caution and investigation are a necessary armor against error and imposition. But this untractableness may be carried too far, and may degenerate into obstinacy, perverseness, or disingenuity. Though it cannot be pretended that the principles of moral and political knowledge have, in general, the same degree of certainty with those of the mathematics, yet they have much better claims in this respect than to judge from the conduct of men in particular situations we should be dis­posed to allow them. The obscurity is much oftener in the pas­sions and prejudices of the reasoner than in the subject. Men, upon too many occasions, do not give their own understandings fair play; but, yielding to some untoward bias, they entangle themselves in words and confound themselves in subtleties.

How else could it happen (if we admit the objectors to be sin­cere in their opposition) that positions so clear as those which manifest the necessity of a general power of taxation in the gov­ernment of the Union should have to encounter any adversaries among men of discernment? Though these positions have been elsewhere fully stated, they will perhaps not be improperly recapitulated in this place as introductory to an examination of what may have been offered by way of objection to them. They are in substance as follows:

A government ought to contain in itself every power requisite to the full accomplishment of the objects committed to its care, and to the complete execution of the trusts for which it is re­sponsible, free from every other control but a regard to the pub­lic good and to the sense of the people.

As the duties of superintending the national defense and of securing the public peace against foreign or domestic violence involve a provision for casualties and dangers to which no pos­sible limits can be assigned, the power of making that provision ought to know no other bounds than the exigencies of the nation and the resources of the community.

As revenue is the essential engine by which the means of an­swering the national exigencies must be procured, the power of procuring that article in its full extent must necessarily be com­prehended in that of providing for those exigencies.

As theory and practice conspire to prove that the power of procuring revenue is unavailing when exercised over the States in their collective capacities, the federal government must of ne­cessity be invested with unqualified power of taxation in the ordinary modes.

Did not experience evince the contrary, it would be natural to conclude that the propriety of a general power of taxation in the national government might safely be permitted to rest on the evidence of these propositions, unassisted by any additional arguments or illustrations. But we find, in fact, that the antago­nists of the proposed Constitution, so far from acquiescing in their justness of truth, seem to make their principal and most zealous effort against this part of the plan. It may therefore be satisfactory to analyze the arguments with which they combat it.

Those of them which have been most labored with that view seem in substance
to amount to this: "It is not true, because the exigencies of the Union may not be susceptible of limitation, that its power of laying taxes ought to be unconfined. Revenue is as requisite to the purposes of the local administrations as to those of the Union; and the former are at least of equal impor­tance with the latter to the happiness of the people. It is, there­fore, as necessary that the State governments should be able to command the means of supplying their wants, as that the na­tional government should possess the like faculty in respect to the wants of the Union. But an indefinite power
of taxation in the latter might, and probably would in time, deprive the former of the means of providing for their own necessities; and would subject them entirely to the mercy of the national legislature. As the laws of the Union are to become the supreme law of the land, as it is to have power to pass all laws that may be NEC­ESSARY for carrying into execution the authorities with which it is proposed to vest it, the national government might at any time abolish the taxes imposed for State objects upon the pre­tense of an interference with its own. It might allege a necessity of doing this in order to give efficacy to the national revenues. And thus all the resources of taxation might by degrees become the subjects of federal monopoly to the entire exclusion and de­struction of the State governments".

This mode of reasoning appears sometimes to turn upon the supposition of usurpation in the national government; at other times it seems to be designed only as a deduction from the con­stitutional operation of its intended powers. It is only in the latter light that it can be admitted to have any pretensions to fairness. The moment we launch into conjectures about the usurpa­tions of the federal government, we get into an unfathomable abyss and fairly put ourselves out of the reach of all reasoning. Imagination may range at pleasure till it gets bewildered amidst the labyrinths of an enchanted castle, and knows not on which side to turn to escape from the apparitions which itself has raised. Whatever may be the limits or modifications of the powers of the Union, it is easy to imagine an endless train of possible dangers and, by indulging an excess of jealousy and timidity, we may bring ourselves to a state of absolute skepticism and irresolution. I repeat here what I have observed in substance in another place: that all observations founded upon the danger of usurpation ought to be referred to the composition and structure of the government, not to the nature or extent of its powers. The State governments by their original constitu­tions are invested with complete sovereignty. In what does our security consist against usurpations from that quarter? Doubt­less in the manner of their formation, and in a due dependence of those who are to administer them upon the people. If the proposed construction of the federal government be found, upon an impartial examination of it, to be such as to afford to a proper extent the same species of security, all apprehensions on the score of usurpation ought to be discarded

It should not be forgotten that a disposition in the State gov­ernments to encroach upon the rights of Union is quite as proba­ble as a disposition in the Union to encroach upon the rights of the State governments. What side would be likely to prevail in such a conflict must depend on the means which the contending parties could employ towards insuring success. As in republics, strength is always on the side of the people and, as there are weighty reasons to induce a belief that the State governments will commonly possess most influence over them, the natural conclusion is that such contests will be most apt to end to the disadvantage of the Union and that there is greater probability of encroachments by the members upon the federal head than by the federal head upon the members. But it is evident that all conjectures of this kind must be extremely vague and fallible and that it is by far the safest course to lay them altogether aside and to confine our attention wholly to the nature and extent of the powers as they are delineated in the Constitution. Every­thing beyond this must be left to the prudence and firmness of the people, who, as they will hold the scales in their own hands, it is to hoped will always take care to preserve the constitutional equilibrium between the general and the State governments. Upon this ground, which is evidently the true one, it will not be difficult to obviate the objections which have been made to an indefinite power of taxation in the United States. PUBLIUS

* * * *

END OF CHAPTER EIGHT

[wave]

PJ 97

CHAPTER 5

REC #1 HATONN

FRI., JUN. 3, 1994 9:09 A.M. YEAR 7, DAY 291

FRI., JUN. 3, 1994

Dharma, in the absence of Rick, we must attend a "News Desk". The staff is also buried under the pile of work but we must not leave the news unattended. I shall ask your patience with me and with our enemies, child--disappointments can be mended--permanent deading cannot!

HOLIDAY!

For you readers, I again ask a personal favor. For the first time in over five years I had asked that Dharma and E.J. have a cou­ple of days to attend a special event--in Utah wherein they could also visit with family. In this train of events would be a semi-reunion. But, it meant a trip across Nevada. Now that would be interesting and pleasant except for one thing--they are under surveillance and a warrant for their arrest at any Nevada border has already been distributed. It's OK, Mr. Green and buddies, we have a pretty good eye on things! I have cancelled the trip for Ekkers as safety, security and information distribution MUST TAKE FIRST PRIORITY AT THIS TIME. But you readers can do me a favor to save MY state of working relation­ships. All who will, please send a congratulations to little sister Gaye (E.J.'s), who owns and runs Pleiades Travel Agency in Cedar City, Utah. Gaye has raised a family and lived a whole lot of her life this far--getting a college degree--nights, after­noons, between jobs, instead of eating, sleeping, etc. Please send her a congratulations card or something that just says, "We love you." (Pleiades Travel Agency, 432 North Main, Cedar City, Utah, 84720 Tel. 800 338-0578 & 801 586-3300, Fax 801 586-8318) She has been a MAJOR source of support of every kind as have the other members of these families, that Doris and E.J. could continue their work for me. No, she did not name the travel agency for "me"--she had already named it before she ever heard of me...interesting! Dharma, trust me, please--I am not a human projector of empty promises--I KEEP MINE and it WILL BE FINE!!

By the way, readers, if you need to travel anywhere or make ar­rangements--call Pleiades Travel--from wherever you are--and you will get the best attention and loving research on ar­rangements--which are often "out-of-this-world". No, she does not, either, sell tickets to either Pleiades or a "trip on a ship" as Mr. Gritz might suggest. She does offer professional and caring business dealings. If she hears from you perhaps she will for­give my spoiling her family reunion by keeping a part of her closest family away. Thank you.

Now, Dharma, in lieu of such a holiday--we will instead work double time as usual and you won't have to think about disap­pointments--it works every time. I'll tell you what I will do as a special treat to all of you who would rather hear about alien encounters and what's up with the space "invaders"; I'll offer you a rather well-done introduction to a document offered by Wilson and Burns on SECRET TREATY. The United States Government and Extra-terrestrial Entities. Is it accurate? Well, it is as ac­curate as ones who are simply doing research can make it and it certainly becomes worthy of attention. Since only DOCU­MENTS are sent to us, I can't tell what is what with copyrights, etc: However, the pile of papers is riddled with copies of origi­nal documents--the ones I have seen thus far are quite accurately offered. I will say, however, that many of their points and doc­uments were gotten from quite a few "would-be-authorities" and are total hogwash. On the other hand, you have aliens among you, working with and for your government for various and sundry reasons and it is about time to spring them on you unsus­pecting people who continue to deny but also continue to follow the leaders set up to disinform you. I don't care what you do about it, but "they're here..." and "we are here" and the two are not the same thing!

I remind you good readers (and bad readers) that you, if you are of God, have NO ENEMIES IN SPACE. In fact, you have no enemies IN SPACE even if you are NOT OF GOD. THEY ARE ALL NOW STATIONED ON YOUR PLACE! I also re­mind you that, for the facts of the matter, depending upon WHO you are--the enemies of your government and Elite--are NOT probably YOUR enemies, at any rate. Your enemies are quite Earth-bound.

You are locked to Earth like a fly to flypaper--you can go up a ways and have to return, you can dig in a way--but have to re­turn. You cannot sustain selves anywhere off your globe for any extended period of time--you are prisoners of your own making. It behooves you to consider being quite friendly with us who come to serve and assist. So be it.

MISPERCEPTIONS REGARDING
"OUR" DEMISE

There seems to be some misunderstanding about what is hap­pening here and how much emphasis is being placed onto the shoulders of one Ronn Jackson. Forget it
--no such thing. We have been inconvenienced by his continued interrogations, negotiations, legal entanglements, etc., no more! Part of the bargaining is to exchange freedom for silencing CONTACT or, at the very least, censoring content. The assumption is that with­out Mr. Jackson there can be no paper or that there is somehow inability to function without him. Sirs, Mr. Jackson has only been KNOWN to this place a very, very few weeks. What IS ACCOMPLISHED is the loosing Pandora's box of troubles in the continuance of such manipulations and can only ultimately pull in powerful ALLIES to America's cause! Soon, even the "Committee" is going to see the value of silencing the "silencers" rather than the papers of the nation. If you have no nations or world--there is hardly any point in "survival". Would "we" do such a thing? No, but there are plenty who would and, moreover, you have picked openly and critically upon ones who can do you in more effectively than anything Ronn Jackson can do. By the way, "I" do not have to speak FOR one, Ronn Jack­son--he is most capable of speaking for SELF--please see else­where in this paper (seep. xx) for sufficient proof of this statement. He is receiving almost as well as Dharma and has a whole heck-of-a-lot more substantial INFORMATION!

By the way, readers, to you who haven't heard of my writing to our enemies on the day before yesterday, especially regarding the observation of your sky about nine p.m., first to the North­west, etc., I suggest you attend that little exercise. The show was apparently so well received that we shall keep on serving you a preview of coming events each night. Pause in any direc­tion you look--skyward--long enough to focus on the "STARS??" WHICH STROBE RED, GREEN, GOLD, AND BLUE. These are aura shiftings and are neither stars NOR MAN-MADE VISUALS. There are CRAFT stationed in a full network around your planet as we speak. Those are loving and responsive personages on that other end, friends, and I do hope you will continue to welcome them and honor them for they have been away from home for a long, long time and are a bit testy over your Earth antics. Threats? No, beloved brethren, I DO NOT HAVE TO THREATEN!

I am also most appreciative of the immediate response we have received from near and far as regards our "business". I shall endeavor to continue to keep all our agreements as you move into keeping yours. I am perfectly happy to manage our affairs to lack interfering with yours, Elite controllers, if you now continue to meet your obligations. The PEOPLE will de­cide their interactions with you and your PLAN FOR EN­SLAVEMENT, but I shall not tolerate further interruption in our small mission. YOU CANNOT KNOW THE HOUNDS OF HELL, SIRS, UNTIL YOU HAVE MET THE ANGELS OF GOD! THANK YOU FOR YOUR UNDIVIDED ATTENTION WHEN I ASKED.

FACT OR FICTION: RONN JACKSON

Oh, it really doesn't matter--any longer--does it? If he was not-HE IS NOW! And, I am getting more and more irritated about his seclusion than he is at this point. Either one or both--have the information you mostly wish to hide--so it would seem ap­propriate to stop your silly games, power-brokers.

Mr. Jackson has the Hoover Files, yes. But dear Sirs and Ladies--
MR. ROSTENKOWSKI has the "Rostenkowski" files which will splash personal and criminal actions of so many politicians and powerful persons as to make the Hoover Files look like kindergarten alphabet work--AND HE WILL USE THE INFORMATION!!! I would suggest that the Packwood diaries will have enough information to bury a lot of the Con­gressional good buddies--and to have ordered them up in order to make sure they NEVER find the light of day--was a foolish move indeed. Too late, you nerds think you will cause a man to lose his honor and position because of political garbage and think he will not expose the real culprits--WRONG! IF THE PEOPLE DO NOT DEMAND AND GET A DISCLOSURE OF ALL THESE DOCUMENTS--UNCENSORED AND UN­TAMPERED--YOU DESERVE TO FALL AS A NATION. THERE IS NOTHING THESE INDIVIDUAL MEN HAVE DONE TO EQUAL THAT WHICH THEY HOLD "ON" OTHERS! WOULD IT NOT BE TO THEIR POLITICAL AND PERSONAL BENEFIT TO TURN "PEOPLE'S EVI­DENCE"?

WHAT ABOUT COMBINING ALL THESE VARIOUS DOC­UMENTS AND SOURCES AND CLEANING OUT THE HOUSES, THE ADMINISTRATION AND THUS AND SO? WHAT HAS KEPT YOU FROM YOU SPRING CLEANING SO LONG ALREADY?

CAN YOU NOT SEE?

What is all this trash going on while your nation is being in­vaded by, yet, the Russians? Where is your news on this mat­ter? There are hundreds of thousands of troops from Russia in THE AMERICAS and, now, as we write, moving in great masses across both the U.S. Northern and Southern borders.

Russia disallowed "the exercises in joint venture with the U.S." to be held on "their" soil because of newly erupted "distrust". B.S.: The reports are now that "Well, then we will hold them in the U.S." ARE YOU INSANE? Does ANYBODY remember that the U.N. will become THE ONE WORLD POLICE FORCE--and--IT WILL BE RUN BY THE UNITED NA­TIONS FROM AMERICA--AND--THE FORCES WILL BE HEADED ALWAYS BY A RUSSIAN???? Is there anybody who remembers the Charter and treaty agreements in the forma­tion of the U.N. by these same powerful world rulers?

Years ago I offered you PROOF from your own documentations of the military personnel from Communist places pouring into Canada and Mexico along with countless weaponry and vehicles such as tanks, etc. These were stockpiled in bunkers and tun­nels across the borders in both directions--North and South. This equipment is now being shipped into the States--as your President waggles his lying tongue in honor of the defenders of your nation--er..a..ah...er the wars for the Elite. Clinton is a Hegelian-trained Rhodes puppet. Hillary is worse. Clinton served as a Communist-interrelated personage during his college years. Again, Hillary is worse. No, I do not give "revelations"--I offer you that which is documented PROOF! As a for instance, I will repeat some of our prior writings and thank writers for Big Sister is Watching You, by Texe Marrs:

QUOTING:

....while serving as director and chair of the board of direc­tors of the socialist New World Foundation in 1987-88, Hillary Clinton praised and gave away significant sums of money to several left-wing and Communist organizations, including the Institute for Policy Studies; the Committee in Support of the People of El Salvador (sponsoring Marxist, Salvadoran guerillas); the National Lawyers Guild, an official adjunct of the Communist Party USA; radical lawyer (the "Chicago Seven") William Kunstler's Center for Constitutional Studies, and oth­ers.

The FBI papers show that among the groups endorsed and funded by Hillary Clinton were the most extreme Stalin­ist/Communist organizations in the world. One group to which she gave money, the National Lawyers Guild, held a convention in Austin, Texas at which the delegates sang the Communist 'Internationale' anthem, whose lyrics include the verse, ' Tis the final conflict, let each stand his place. The International So­viet shall be the Human Race'.

Hillary, the records show, also supported subversive groups which aided the Nicaraguan Sandinista thugs, funded terrorist PLO leader Yassir Arafat, and backed Communist North Viet­nam during the Vietnam War.

What is frightening is that the FBI has been investigating these extremist groups, especially the Institute for Policy Stud­ies, for many years. But now that Hillary and Bill are in command in the White House, the FBI has been ordered to "cease and desist". Janet Reno, Hillary's attorney general, even fired William Sessions, the FBI director who had to have known the awful truth about Hillary's hidden connec­tions with this Marxist-terrorist network.

But that's not all: Hillary and Bill have been recruiting Communists and other America-hating subversives for key ad­ministration posts, especially at the sub-cabinet level where most of the real work of government takes place....

END OF QUOTING

So, the next thing that comes to our desk is denouncement of our crew, our friends, etc. There is the four page letter from one who claims unconditional love in EVERY instance who calls the Ekkers liars, thieves and conjurers of ways to steal more and more and more of your money--too late, friend, that money was already stolen by those who took it long before the Ekkers ever got a chance to know of it. But you, sir, simply continue to praise and honor the thieves and denounce the truth-bringers. So be it for the world hangs in the cross-roads (perhaps I should say cross-hairs). To each his own direction.

There is another statement regarding the Billary thrust of which I will again remind you ABOUT OPEN STATEMENTS OF INTENT BY HILLARY'S HELLCATS: "WE WOMEN ARE GOING TO BRING AN END TO GOD." One of Hillary's pals puts it succinctly: Goldenberg sternly predicts the overthrow of the existing forms of both Christianity and Judaism. "God is going to change," writes Goldenberg, "We women are going to BRING AN END TO GOD. WE WILL BE THE END OF HIM."

Hard to believe? My goodness, readers, is the garbage they continually dish out of their mouths while enslaving nation after nation--EASY TO BELIEVE?

Gerry Spence has come into some critical focus these past cou­ple of years, even moreso than before because of the Idaho-Randy Weaver atrocity. However, I want to back off and ask that you study the reports and writings of this rather ingenious man with his thought-provoking observations. I will only rec­ommend his latest presentment and offer you his first writing "To Begin With" from his recent book, FROM FREEDOM TO SLAVERY, The Rebirth of Tyranny in America. (Gerry Spence, St. Martin's Press, 175 Fifth Ave., New York, N.Y. 10010.) However, it is now available at all bookstores (they must not re­alize its REAL value to freedom, YET).

GERRY SPENCE
FROM FREEDOM TO SLAVERY
(Excerpt)

TO BEGIN WITH....

Writing a book about a lofty subject such as freedom is like trying to jump from rock to rock across the creek without get­ting your feet wet. No matter how you plan your course, you are likely to slip off into the water somewhere. The choice, of course, is whether one wishes to stay on the bank with dry feet, or take the risk of wet feet to get to the other side.

Doctors called upon to attend the sick cannot prescribe a cure unless they are first able to diagnose the illness. Even before that, they must detect that the patient is ill. In the case of our freedoms, I can confidently say the patient is in grave danger. Having said so, and should you agree in whole or in part, we have, together, taken the first step toward the cure.

As for solutions, there are only two kinds--those from outside the self and those from within. The first suggests that we de­stroy our enemies, that we manipulate or neutralize them, that we discover detours around them, that we suffer their imposi­tions against us, or, at last, that we even love them. In any event, the solution acknowledges the existence of outside forces that deter our progress and impede our happiness. On the other hand, there persists the idea--one with which I am in agreement--that solutions are mainly matters of the self, that power vested in others is often irrelevant to our freedom, that the only change essential for the betterment of the human condition is to change within, that we are the fountainhead of power, and that, therefore, we need not free the world--we need only free ourselves. Yet I have never been an exclusionist. It makes no more sense to argue that all solutions should fall into one category or the other than to argue that a mustard plaster is the proper remedy for every ailment.

The problem, however, is not so much in finding solutions as in making the solutions work. Any splinter can cause a fatal in­fection. This being so, one also knows one can never detect all the splinters that make up the smoothest stick. Marx, for exam­ple, hated the exploitation of the masses, but his solutions, how­ever corrupted in their application, resulted in the enslavement of whole nations. Christ also had a good idea--that we love one another. But his followers, attempting to realize his simple, perhaps perfect remedy, disagreed on what they thought were crucial points--whether they should hold their meetings on Sat­urday or Sunday--whether members of the flock at baptism should be nearly drowned to wash away their sins, or whether a few drops of water on the head would suffice. In the end, his followers proved to be strong on organization, unsurpassed on dogma, supreme on sophistry, but not much on love. They fought endless wars in his name, murdered hordes of the inno­cent, burned countless women at the stake as witches, bashed in the heads of "heathen" Indian children, and left the world rid­dled with guilt and fear.

Freedom in America, as bountiful and precious as it is, has always been a strange conglomerate of the divine and the fanciful. Understanding freedom in America is like listening to a one-armed piano player. His one arm performs not only its as­signed task, but has painfully attempted to undertake the function of the missing limb. He plays the melody with the magnifi­cent frills and rolls of the virtuoso. He represents all of the higher virtues of the species: He is resourceful, creative, vigor­ous, and he is very brave. In listening, our minds provide for us what our ears do not--the music of the other hand. But after we assess his performance, as admirable as it has been, we know that something is, indeed, missing.

Freedom in America works best for those who can afford it. As the fellow said in The Grapes of Wrath, "You're just as free as you've got Jack to pay for it". It is not as much an idea as it is a commodity. It is not as much a liberated state of being as it is an item on the shelf that, along with the purchaser, may be purchased. It is not as much a right as a component of com­merce.

The danger, of course, is that we have become the purchasers of the fable of freedom. When we vigorously argue to our neighbors that Americans are free, our neighbors will likely as­sert that they "buy" that. Having bought the fable, it belongs to us, and we fight to keep it like howling apes protecting their trinkets and their tinfoil.

On the other hand, some of us enjoy a state of freedom that never enters even the dreams of those in many other cultures. I sit warm and comfortably at my desk recording these thoughts. My stomach is full--too full. I do not fear intrusions from brown-shirted agents of the government. If I make minimal efforts at compliance with the rules that preserve the power structure, I will likely be left alone, even if I criticize the power structure. I am essentially free to rant and rave and to emit all manner of noxious noise. It is this dichotomy that serves as both our pride and our poison.

Today there are, as indeed, there have always been, insidi­ous, enslaving forces at work in America. Today's emerging tyranny emanates from a New King, from a nonliving power center composed at its core of monolithic corporate entities en­cased and protected by endless layers of governmental bureau­cracies. The primary strategy of the New King is to convert all rights, all human energy, all goals and, at last, all humans into fungible commodities, for the New King exists solely for com­merce and its life's blood, its green blood, its money--and its singular mission is profit. The New King's principal means of control is the media that sells us the myths of freedom, that, when we doubt, reassures us we are free, and that programs us and our children to accept the notion that all human function, all human desires, indeed, even immortality itself can, at last, be satisfied at the marketplace.

I am not against religion--nor am I against commerce. I am, however, reluctant to offer solutions. If the Church has any­thing to do with it, those who offer solutions outside the scrip­tures will be condemned to eternal hell. If government has anything to do with them, any sound idea will be consumed in the bureaucracy, and if the idea should somehow escape the grinding teeth of its machinery, the author will be labeled an en­emy of the state and disemboweled in one fashion or another. If corporate America has anything to do with it, any ideas that threaten its power will be branded as leftist, or commie, or un-American, and the author of such reforms banished as a heretic against the most sacred of all religions in America, Free Enter­prise.

At last, I have tired of the issue as well as these arguments. If this collection of free-floating thoughts about freedom is to have any efficacy, it will come from freely saying what is on my mind, saying it as well as I can, saying it in such a way that satisfies me, or even amuses me; and if a solution seems to appear, well, why not give it recognition? It does no one any good bouncing around in the mind's soupy fog where, in all probabil­ity, it will eventually be cast into the trash pile of the magnifi­cent and the forgotten. And if no solutions seem at hand, well, I was never born to solve all of the world's problems, and those who tried were either fools or martyrs.

Sometimes it is easier for a poor man to tolerate his corns than to go barefoot and discard the shoes that cause them. De­spite the existence of sharp rocks and cockleburs, there is something magical about a boy's barefoot freedom. If only we could convince the world's leaders not to walk in each other's shoes but, instead, to meet and to talk to each other in their bare feet; likely, the people, as well as the Earth, would benefit immensely. I think, therefore, I shall walk barefooted herein. I think I shall walk wherever my feet will take me. I hope you'll come too. Gerry Spence,
Jackson Hole, Wyoming, July 4, 1993.
Thank you, Gerry, and even if you know me not, NOW--please wait a bit for you shall!

I note with some humor your attention to bare feet. Dharma shucked her shoes a few days past to go forth and water some flowers just planted. In haste to get back to our work, she snatched up the water hose and a brick against which to prop it for leaving to its own tending. The hose flipped and doused her at which point she dropped the brick on her foot--now she CAN'T wear her shoes. So, herein too, we must take care that we not botch more than we accomplish!

OK, let's switch the subject to aliens of the "far-out" kind.

SECRET TREATY: The United States Government
and Extra-terrestrial Entities
by Richard K. Wilson and
Sylvan Burns

We will offer the "introduction" and the "foreword" only. I do not know how you get the book as we have not been supplied with sufficient information on the matter.

INTRODUCTION

This project is the distillation of over seventeen years of re­search. Out of those seventeen years, the last eighteen months have been most significant. Most of the controversial data has appeared in the last two years. Although some of it may seem a bit "far out", much of it has been corroborated from so many sources that it is no longer a question of coincidence.

* The Government has and is interacting with alien cultures.

* The Government has captured alien technology and has inter­acted with them to ensure a similar development of our own technology along the same lines.

* The Government maintains underground facilities, some of which are jointly occupied by alien entities.

* Different alien species are interacting with human beings. Some of the alien species maintain underground facilities. Humans are being manipulated in these facilities.

* Manipulation of the human species extends to very deep lev­els; levels of alien manipulation affect human evolution, ge­netics, and planetary power structures.

* Various entities that have a non-terrestrial origin walk freely among us.

* Mutilation of different life forms (in order to secure biological substances) are being performed.

* Abduction of human beings occurs on a regular basis.

* Alien interaction with the human community will soon have increased impact on society.

* A minimum of 70 species appear to be interacting with our planet; four or five different alien species seem to be respon­sible for a majority of the interaction with humans.


* Star Wars, SDI, and the "space program" are superficial pub­lic constructs that are "fronts" for funding other covert pro­jects.

* The United States and the Soviet Union are not adversaries at all, especially in terms of interaction with alien species, and maintain an appearance as adversaries in order to sustain both the military industrial complex and technical projects having to do with alien technology.

Notice: All information and data for this work were obtained as acknowledged or through various sources in the public do­main.

This book was originally written as a confidential report, in­tended for review by the serious researcher, and assumed a ba­sic familiarity with the general subject matter in the field. It was not initially produced for the general public. The original work has been divided up into two volumes of which this is the first. The second work contains even more data about the true situation, and is not for the light-hearted or weak-of-stomach.

Research, by its nature, involves communication with other people. It also involves years of pouring over immense amounts of data and relating it to experience. Many researchers have made an immense contribution to the overall pool of quality information that is not available to the general public. We would like to acknowledge some of those people: [H: And here the authors do but I do not wish to use the space since I would need to qualify each name on the listing--I do not find a sin­gle name on the list that I feel is either qualified or on THE committee which would know truth about these things. It is fine, however, as enough truth leaks out to piece together a pretty good documentation of some aspects of the ongoing "program".]
This book was compiled from many different sources of ma­terial that originated from many places and in different times. While an effort was made to obtain permission and to ac­knowledge the help generously provided by many people, there may be an instance or two in which we have inadvertently failed to acknowledge a contribution.

To anyone who feels they have suffered such a fate, the au­thors apologize in advance...especially to the "useful idiots" in the planetary intelligence agencies.

FOREWORD

Throughout the forty-two year period when aerial objects have been actively observed in our civilization, a lot of data has been gathered. This data has often indicated that certain aspects of society are suppressed or covered up. As a result of the sup­pression and compartmentalization of the levels of "reality" which both co-exist and oppose each other, part of our culture does not or will not believe in the existence of other species; part of our culture acknowledges their existence or the probabil­ity of their existence; part of our culture is actually interacting with those other species that are either alien to our planet or co­exist here with us.

These simultaneous realities contribute to a condition of ex­treme confusion. Research into these matters tends to follow a parallel pattern. Some view the matter in a perspective that is empirical; others search for patterns and functional relationships in events; still others go out and ask the right questions at the right times and get answers. Some of the answers that have appeared are, to some people, quite disturbing and fantastic.

All and all, we are dealing with what for some will be new concepts in physics, new concepts in psychology, and the gradu­ally growing awareness that we are not only not alone here, but we have never been alone here. As if that were not enough, it turns out that factions of our society have known this, and ap­parently have been interacting with some of these alien species for quite awhile.

The bottom line is that, all along, humanity has been led down a false path; a path that has been plagued by layer upon layer of conspiracy, disinformation and needless negativity.

Technological knowledge and absolute power have been the motives on the human side. On the alien side, at least for one group, this has been supplemented by the motive of survival.

The intent of this report is to bring as many of the details re­garding this into the open in order to achieve a blending and a beginning of the real process of understanding. You are not being asked to believe it, but only to consider it in the light of what has happened, what is happening, and what may be devel­oping right under your nose.

If you find that you cannot stomach such thoughts, or that you may not be able to deal with it on a personal basis, read no further. [H: I, of course, suggest you DO READ FURTHER. You are going to find that several "projects" which will have been stated to you "have been called off"--as exampled: Al­ternative Three--have not, they have simply come full-circle to workability. Such as the Montauk projects--you have come a long, "long way, Baby". It is time you stop "turning off' when the information gets touchy--because you witness more violence on any news network in preparation for your enduring amnesia than you will ever find in TRUTH.]
* The projects loosely known as "Alternative Two" and "Alternative Three", which provide for relocation of specific portions of the elite human population to both underground shelter and off-planet shelter, using technology gained from alien sources since the early 1960s, are at least 60% true.


* Aliens have affected human genetics and have the ultimate power over the scenarios that take place on the planet. They are responsible for implantation of religious systems and other factors that divide the populace in order to insure control. [H: Well, somewhat--however, human stupidity has conjured most of the incest of genetic foolishness. Re­member, however, Satan is also an extraterrestrial and has a lot of buddies around to serve his cause! Physical "protection" is exactly that--aided and abetted by the old boy himself--to fool and confound the rest of you nice people. I remind you: GOD TOO HAS A PLAN!!]

* Some of the most outspoken UFOlogists work for and with the Government.
[H: AMEN!]

* The public is being acclimated through the media to the fol­lowing information:

Reinforcement of the "One World" concept.
Aliens do exist and are among us.
Alien motives may not be pleasant.
Acceptance of the dehumanization of man.

* Mind control is actively being used by alien entities insofar as their ability to manipulate the human mind is being used to subdue human beings for their own purposes. [H: HOG­WASH--this is NOT alien stuff, this is purely man-ori­ented and instigated activity and IT IS OVERWHELM­INGLY PREVALENT ALL OVER THE MAP. I SUG­GEST YOU STOP BLAMING GOD AND ALIENS FOR YOUR OWN DASTARDLY BASTARDIZED DEAL­INGS. IT IS NOT GOING TO "SELL" MUCH LONGER, FRIENDS.]

* The CIA and other Government agencies have used Mind Control techniques to perform assassinations and other nega­tive operations that are counterproductive to human progress. [H: Yes indeed?? Why don't you ask Mr. McNamara to explain this to you good patriots--especially about the Hudson Institute work and the war in Vietnam--HE JUST KNOWS A WHOLE LOT ABOUT A LOT OF THINGS. GOOD "OLD TELLER" HAS A LOT OF LIES TO EX­PLAIN ALSO--NOT TO MENTION ONE BY THE NAME OF "KHAN". BUT CITIZENS--YOU LET IT HAPPEN.]

* World domination groups are interwoven with alien control groups. The Illuminati, Bilderbergers, Council of Foreign Relations, Trilateral Commission, CIA, FBI, NSA, NRO, the military, Federal Reserve and other groups have areas within them that have conspired to rule the world under a domina­tion-based system. [H: Yes, to be sure, there are some who sit on the committees but it is not for "alien" domination--it is strictly for high-level human domination that the Elite function. Self-respecting aliens KNOW THE DIFFERENCE--and those who participate in the disrup­tion or corruption of any third dimensional society--are already in BIG, BIG TROUBLES BACK AT THE RANCH. "ALIENS", as you are using this terminology, come in various levels of oversight--and you will find that all who answer, for instance, to this old Luciferian king­pin will ultimately ANSWER TO A MUCH HIGHER LEVEL AUTHORITY--FROM WHENCE I AND MINE-­COME! SO BE IT.]
This system is committed to the de­humanization of man and the "One World" concept. Society is maintained in a static state of disarray, fostered by ego-ori­ented activities that focus on security, sensation and power.

* The above mentioned domination-based conspiracies are offset and opposed by alien and human forces who promote the evolvement of mankind. These other forces attempt to foster spiritual advancement and social development along peaceful lines.

* The Government was offered assistance from one or more of the positive groups but refused to establish diplomatic rela­tions with them, choosing instead to align themselves with a species known as the Greys and trade the secret of the presence of Greys for technological advances in gravita­tional propulsion, beam weaponry and mind control tech­niques. [H: Well, if they thought they would get the "way off" your globe from any little form of grey men--think again, even the Elite have been "had" in a massive and in­credible fashion. No alien would ever be tolerated in the cosmic realms ANYWHERE who would allow such disor­dered species or travel in the universal higher-level travel lanes. NOT ANY OF THEM!]

* There are many more areas to cover, and we are sure that you will reach some conclusions yourself. You may not find that these conclusions are comfortable. You will think hard after reviewing this book. That's the purpose of it. To stimulate thought and change within the consciousness of those who read it.

We're all after peace in our lives. We all want and need the same things out of life (in the end). Someday, we may see a better planet and a better existence for all beings, no matter where they come from. This book, and the others that follow, is part of that change. Read it, reflect on it, and do a little check­ing on your own. You'll be glad you did. THE AUTHORS

* * * *

I still suggest that the book at the top of your reading list is a bit of a fairy tale, a fiction bit by Arthur C. Clarke--called CHILDHOOD'S END. It might well give you some idea of a possible working program of how things might well be. Enjoy.
Hatonn to clear, please.

CHAPTER 6

REC #1 HATONN

SAT., JUN. 4, 1994 8:39 A.M. YEAR 7, DAY 292

SAT., JUN. 4, 1994

WHERE YOU ARE...

Don't jump the gun on us, runners, lest we get disqualified from the race. Until you KNOW where you ARE--you cannot com­prehend where you are going.

SAVING EVERYONE IN THE WORLD

I am not going to "SAVE" anyone. I do not wish to effort at such a silly concept. Your "salvation" is NOT my business whether or not you like it. You will say to me, "But, if you represent the Hosts of God (which I do) then you MUST want to SAVE everyone"! WRONG! It is not my business to save anything or anyone. This is YOUR journey, YOUR play, YOUR salvation or loss, YOUR responsibility and YOUR choices. THERE ISN'T ANYONE OR ANYTHING, FROM A SLAUGHTERED CHRIST TO AN ASHTAR LIFT-OFF, GO­ING TO DO ANYTHING FOR YOU! If that concept bothers YOU--go back to the churches and preachers WHO WILL LIE TO YOU ABOUT BEING UNCONDITIONAL, MIND DEAD AND STUPID. I carefully use the term "mind dead" for 85% of your world population is "BRAIN dead".

PROPHETS

Yes indeed, some will come and pronounce that they are doing everything they can to "save every last man, woman and child"! From WHAT? FOR what? God is not going to allow EVIL into His places of perfection and that "prophet" can't do any­thing about it on either account. He should not be saying that if "you do what I tell you, you will be saved"! He DOES NOT KNOW THAT. And what is meant by SAVED? Does "saved" mean "saved in the flesh" to continue your interesting life­styles? Saved in the soul which you will not lose anyway--un­less YOU choose that yourself? "Saved" from the hotfoot? Well, unless you change the world--you WILL get a hotfoot, saved or not
--if saved by some "man" is your "salvation solu­tion". Don't like my statements? Then go back into your lie and pretend you have a mind. What will happen in that hole with only your dying mind? It will be more twisted and tar­nished until you become mind dead as well as brain dead, and the next step is totally SOUL DEAD.

Ponder it or not. MY MISSION IS TO FULFILL THE OR­DERS GIVEN TO ME BY GOD CREATOR IN PREPARA­TION FOR HIS RECLAMATION OF HIS PROPERTY--OF WHICH YOU "MAY" BE A PORTION. THAT, TOO, IS UP TO YOU!

I am continually stated as being in Ashtar's Command and ones continually ask me, "Aren't you a part of Ashtar's Command and isn't he your authority"? NO, NO, AND NO-NO. I am in ONE SINGULAR COMMAND WITH ONLY THE HIGHEST AUTHORITY AND MY DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY--GOD CREATOR. Ashtar is "representative" of the label of "A COMMAND". This is a massive computer system which does in fact house information of all third-dimensional life-forms ON A GIVEN PLANET UNDER EVOLVEMENT. "Ashtar" is simply an identification (as to name) of the head of that Com­mand. He has a magnificent purpose in your ongoing plan and under some sets of circumstances he will be in TOTAL CHARGE of evacuation. He doesn't have illegitimate children, twin love-flames in human form, nor does he take time off for a romp in the hay with some human counterpart! He is on a mis­sion and WOULD NEVER LEAVE HIS COMMAND FOR SUCH STUPID ASSUMPTIONS.

It certainly matters not to me if you care to believe the lies and garbage of the channels and receivers who CLAIM to have TRUTH--if they tell you such as this--they are WRONG! I have been denounced by ones who originally served ME--now I am replaced in their circles by an impostor who continues to tell you the garbage you WANT TO HEAR. The channels involved, moreover, REFUSE TO EVEN LOOK AT WHAT I OFFER NOW AND WHEN PARTS ARE THRUST UPON THEM OUT OF SEQUENCE, OUT OF TOTAL CONTEXT--BE­LIEVE THAT LITTLE OUT-OF-CONTEXT PORTION TO BE ALL I SAID AND BURY THEMSELVES DEEPER INTO THE LIES. Fine, friends, my task is not to argue or debate with any man, woman or child--I SIMPLY AM AND MY JOB IS TO MAKE SURE TRUTH IS PRESENTED SO THAT YOU HAVE INFORMATION UPON WHICH TO MAKE YOUR PERCEPTIVE CHOICES. You can probably dabble around and bargain with the "devil's advocates" but there simply IS no bargaining to do with me--it is YOUR problem. I can love you, help you, explain to you and offer--I CAN DO NO MORE!

So why do I bother with arguing and demanding that some hu­man (and alien) lifeforms keep their agreements with me? BE­CAUSE MY TASK IS TO BRING THE WORD, AND AFTER THE SORTING, CONTAIN AND TRANSPORT AND MAKE SURVIVAL OF SPECIES A POSSIBILITY WITHIN YOUR ILLUSION AND RECLAIM GOD'S PROPERTY THAT WISHES TO BE RECLAIMED AND GET YOU (them?) TO SAFETY--YOU WHO DO! I realize it is hard to accept such a blunt announcement but WHAT DID YOU EXPECT? Oh, I see, to kill off a bunch of Middle Easterners, tear down their temple and build another one--then it will happen? What will happen, exactly? You will simply have the blood of millions more on your conscience and until you can STOP the blood-let­ting you aren't going to get anywhere except deeper in debt.

CHILDHOOD'S END

Several of us are speaking of this book lately. It is a simple book of "science fiction" as listed in the Library of Congress. It is fabrication in some respects, especially in presentation of life forms--HOWEVER, THE CONCEPT IS EXACTLY THE WAY IT IS. This book is written by one Arthur C. Clarke who is a prime advisor to the
MJ-12 Committee. He offers a lot of information in the "may be" category but always liberally sprinkled WITH THE TRUTH OF IT. But guess what--Arthur Clarke has his own problems--AND YOU HAVE YOURS!

I think it appropriate, Dharma, to simply offer these immediate readers Chapter 20, pages 180 through 185, of that little fiction book. You readers have to know that for a very long time "aliens" have been among you doing exactly what they were specified to do. And, furthermore, for you who think you have set up ALTERNATIVE THREE, you haven't, except on such a low-primitive level that you will "save" nothing--especially your assets! You must understand, good buddies, that every Com­mand and alien SO FAR--ALSO HAS A SUPERIOR OFFI­CER AND AUTHORITY TO WHICH TO REPORT AND ANSWER. GUESS WHAT! NOW, I SUGGEST THAT YOU IN CHARGE OF EARTH BUMBLING--GET ON WITH MAKING OUR TASK A BIT EASIER HERE BE­CAUSE ULTIMATELY IT WILL NOT BE ME OR MINE THAT FAILS! It is, further, brother space-cadets and alien integrators, time to open your OWN eyes and check your coordinates and service records, documents and duty ros­ters. The fallen brothers of Lucifer are going to strangle you if they can--but it is now time to prepare for presenta­tion. So be it. We can have an easy and smooth evolvement or a very nasty one--I HAVE THE AUTHORITY TO MAKE IT JUST AS NASTY AS YOU WISH--OR AS GENTLE; IT'S ULTIMATELY UP TO YOU! SO BE IT. AND, AS I HAVE SPOKEN IT SO SHALL IT COME TO PASS.

So, let us share and never mind the names but NO, "Karellen" is NOT ME. I also want ALL of you to remember as you read this book or this excerpt that the author penned this sketch (volume) of "fiction" IN 1953. SHAKE YOU UP A BIT????

"My work here is nearly ended," said Karellen's voice from a million radios. "At last, after a hundred years, I can tell you what it was.

"There are many things we have had to hide from you, as we hid ourselves for half our stay on Earth. Some of you, I know, thought that concealment unnecessary. You are accustomed to our presence; you can no longer imagine how your ancestors would have reacted to us. But at least you can understand the purpose of our concealment, and know that we had a reason for what we did.

"The supreme secret we kept from you was our purpose in coming to Earth--that purpose about which you have speculated so endlessly. We could not tell you until now, for the secret was not ours to reveal.

"A century ago we came to your world and saved you from self-destruction. I do not believe that anyone would deny that fact--but what that self-destruction was, you never guessed.

"Because we banned nuclear weapons and all the other deadly toys you were accumulating in your armories, the danger of physical annihilation was removed. You thought that was the only danger. We wanted you to believe that, but it was never true. The greatest danger that confronted you was of a different character altogether--and it did not concern your race alone.

"Many worlds have come to the crossroads of nuclear power, have avoided disaster, have gone on to build peaceful and happy civilizations--and have then been utterly destroyed by forces of which they knew nothing. In the twentieth century, you first began to tamper seriously with those forces. That was why it became necessary to act.

"All through that century, the human race was drawing slowly nearer to the abyss--never even suspecting its existence. Across that abyss, there is only one bridge. Few races, un­aided, have ever found it. Some have turned back while there was still time, avoiding both the danger and the achievement. Their worlds have become Elysian islands of effortless content, playing no further part in the story of the universe. That would never have been your fate--or your fortune. Your race was too vital for that. It would have plunged into ruin and taken others with it, for you would never have found the bridge.

"I am afraid that almost all I have to say now must be by means of such analogies. You have no words, no conceptions, for many of the things I wish to tell you--and our own knowl­edge of them is also sadly imperfect.

"To understand, you must go back into the past and recover much that your ancestors would have found familiar, but which you have forgotten--which, in fact, we deliberately helped you to forget. For all our sojourn here has been based on a vast deception, a concealment of truths which you were not ready to face.

"In the centuries before our coming, your scientists uncov­ered the secrets of the physical world and led you from the en­ergy of steam to the energy of the atom. You had put supersti­tion behind you; Science was the only real religion of mankind. It was the gift of the western minority to the remainder of mankind, and it had destroyed all other faiths. Those that still existed when we came were already dying. Science, it was felt, could explain everything: there were no forces which did not come within its scope, no events for which it could not ul­timately account. The origin of the universe might be forever unknown, but all that had happened since obeyed the laws of physics.

"Yet your mystics, though they were lost in their own delu­sions, had seen part of the truth. There are powers of the mind, and powers beyond the mind, which your science could never have brought within its framework without shattering it entirely. All down the ages there have been countless reports of strange phenomena--poltergeists, telepathy, precognition--which you had named but never explained. At first science ignored them, even denied their existence, despite the testimony of five thou­sand years. But they exist, and, if it is to be complete, any the­ory of the universe must account for them.

"During the first half of the twentieth century, a few of your scientists began to investigate these matters. They did not know it, but they were tampering with the lock of Pandora's box. The forces they might have unleashed transcended any perils that the atom could have brought. For the physicists could only have ruined the earth; the paraphysicists could have spread havoc to the stars.

"That could not be allowed. I cannot explain the full nature of the threat you represented. It would not have been a threat to us, and therefore we do not comprehend it. Let us say that you might have become a telepathic cancer, a malignant mentality which in its inevitable dissolution would have poisoned other and greater minds.

"And so we came--we were SENT--to Earth. We interrupted your development on every cultural level, but in particular we checked all serious work on paranormal phenomena. I am well aware of the fact that we have also inhibited, by the contrast between our civilizations, all other forms of creative achieve­ment as well. But that was a secondary effect, and it is of no importance.

"Now I must tell you something which you may find very surprising, perhaps almost incredible. All these potentialities, all these latent powers--we do not possess them, nor do we un­derstand them. Our intellects are far more powerful than yours, but there is something in your minds that has always eluded us. Ever since we came to Earth we have been studying you; we have learned a great deal, and will learn more, yet I doubt if we shall discover all the truth.

"Our races have much in common--that is why we were cho­sen for this task. But in other respects, we represent the ends of two different evolutions. Our minds have reached the end of their development. So, in their present form, have yours. Yet YOU can make the jump to the next stage, and therein lies the difference between us. Our potentialities are exhausted, but yours are still untapped. They are linked, in ways we do not understand, with the powers I have mentioned--the powers that are now awakening on your world.

"We held the clock back, we made you mark time while those powers developed, until they could come flooding out into the channels that were being prepared for them. What we did to improve your planet, to raise your standards of living, to bring justice and peace--those things we should have done in any event, once we were forced to intervene in your affairs. But all that vast transformation diverted you from the truth, and there­fore helped to serve our purpose.

"WE ARE YOUR GUARDIANS--NO MORE. OFTEN YOU MUST HAVE WONDERED WHAT POSITION MY RACE HELD IN THE HIERARCHY OF THE UNIVERSE. WE ARE ABOVE YOU, SO THERE IS SOMETHING ABOVE US, USING US, USING US FOR ITS OWN PUR­POSES. WE HAVE NEVER DISCOVERED WHAT IT IS, THOUGH WE HAVE BEEN ITS TOOL FOR AGES AND DARE NOT DISOBEY IT. AGAIN AND AGAIN WE HAVE RECEIVED OUR ORDERS, HAVE GONE TO SOME WORLD IN THE EARLY FLOWER OF ITS CIVILIZATION, AND HAVE GUIDED IT ALONG THE ROAD THAT WE CAN NEVER FOLLOW--THE ROAD THAT YOU ARE TRAVELING NOW.

"Again and again we had studied the process we have been sent to foster, hoping that we might learn to escape from our own limitations. But we have glimpsed only the vague outlines of the truth. You called us the Overlords, not knowing the irony of that title. LET US SAY THAT ABOVE US IS THE OVERMIND. USING US AS THE POTTER USES HIS WHEEL.

"AND YOUR RACE IS THE CLAY THAT IS BEING SHAPED ON THAT WHEEL.

"We believe--it is only a theory--that the Overmind is trying to grow, to extend its powers and its awareness of the universe. By now it must be the sum of many races, and long ago it left the tyranny of matter behind. It is conscious of intelligence, ev­erywhere. When it knew that you were almost ready, it sent us here to do its bidding, to prepare you for the transformation that is now at hand.

"All the earlier changes your race has known took countless ages. But this is a transformation of the mind, not of the body. By the standards of evolution, it will be cataclysmic--in­stantaneous. It has already begun. You must face the fact that yours is the last generation of Homo sapiens.

"As to the nature of that change, we can tell you very little. We do not know how it is produced--what trigger impulse the Overmind employs when it judges that the time is ripe. All we have discovered is that it starts with a single individual--always a child--and then spreads explosively, like the formation of crystals around the first nucleus in a saturated solution. Adults will not be affected, for their minds are already set in an unal­terable mold.

"In a few years, it will all be over, and the human race will have divided in twain. There is no way back, and no future for the world you know. All the hopes and dreams of your race are ended now. You have given birth to your successors, and it is your tragedy that you will never understand them--will never even be able to communicate with their minds. Indeed, they will not possess minds as you know them. They will be a single entity, as you yourselves are the sums of your myriad cells. You will not think them human, and you will be right.

"I have told you these things so that you will know what faces you. In a few hours, the crisis will be upon us. My task and my duty is to protect those I have been sent here to guard. Despite their wakening powers, they could be destroyed by the multitudes around them--yes, even by their parents, when they realized the truth. I must take them away and isolate them, for their protection, and for yours. Tomorrow my ships will begin the evacuation. I shall not blame you if you try to interfere, but it will be useless. GREATER POWERS THAN MINE ARE WAKENING NOW; I AM ONLY ONE OF THEIR INSTRUMENTS.

"And then--what am I to do with you, the survivors, when your purpose has been fulfilled? It would be simplest and per­haps most merciful, to destroy you--as you yourselves would destroy a mortally wounded pet you loved. But this I cannot do. Your future will be your own to choose in the years that are left to you. It is my hope that humanity will go to its rest in peace, knowing that it has not lived in vain.

"For what you will have brought into the world may be ut­terly alien, it may share none of your desires or hopes, it may look upon your greatest achievements as childish toys--yet it is something wonderful, and you will have created it.

"When our race is forgotten, part of yours will still exist. Do not, therefore, condemn us for what we were compelled to do. And remember this--we shall always envy you".

* * * *

Sad, is it not? It is most obvious that the "victims" are as much the Overlords as the "watched". Guess what, they are the ones who chose to travel with the beast in the first place and have now forgotten how to reclaim their own identity within the circle OF LIFE. It's fine, readers, they will learn and experience in play after play until they understand their own choices. Do not confuse these "guards" with "guardians" as exampled in "guides" of truth in expression. It is through the endless cycles of believing the limitations thrust upon you, by the teachers of limitation, which separates you from your limitless expression. I believe you will further see that the Overmind has no concern for your experiences--they are YOURS and in your experiencing you are given choices--the ability to "reason" and the freedom to combine the TWO! There IS only ONE BRIDGE--but an al­most limitless way to get to the bridge. However, check this: there are a lot of conditions placed upon the passage across THAT BRIDGE. Furthermore, all the ritual witchcraft will not only NOT get you across that bridge--but will ultimately cost you passage--period!

Will there ever be total "goodness" upon Earth Shan? No, but I can guarantee you that at the highest level of Overmind--there will be total goodness and if you be there, YOU WILL UN­DERSTAND AS MUCH. By the way, ignorance in innocence, may well get you past the bridge gate--BUT IT WON'T AL­LOW YOU FREE ACCESS TO ANYTHING--FOR THE POINT OF THE LESSONS OF MANIFESTED EXPERIENCE--IS TO NO LONGER BE REMAINING IN IGNORANCE! Once exposed to Truth which is then DENIED--be­comes REFUSAL TO ACCEPT TRUTH
--which indicates that there is no longer "ignorance" but, rather, deliberate refusal in full-intent. This is a very LARGE difference! GOD HAS TIME FOR EVERYTHING AND ANYTHING--BUT DO YOU???

Now, with all this in mind--I suggest that ones in charge--recog­nize the status of the game, please. My enemies are going to soon begin to fall and the enemies of God's free people will also fall. Not of my doing will it come--by your own. I offer my hand in peace, in honor and in total service--BUT I WILL WIN THIS WAR IF YOU WISH TO CALL EVOLVEMENT BY SUCH A NASTY, THIRD-DIMENSIONAL TERM OF MIND-SICKNESS. IT IS SIMPLY A "CHOOSING" AND YOUR CHOICES HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH ME! SALU.