PJ 94
CHAPTER 11

REC #1 HATONN

FRI., MAY 6, 1994 1:14 P.M. YEAR 7, DAY 263

FRI., MAY 6, 1994

INSLAW AND CRIMES AT JUSTICE
DEFRAUDING AMERICA, Part 23
by Rodney Stich
QUOTING:
AIDING AND ABETTING
Every Republican Congressman (Congressmen Hamilton Fish Jr.; Carlos J. Moorhead; Henry J. Hyde; F. James Sensenbren­ner, Jr.; Bill McCollum; George W. Gekas; Howard Coble; Lamar S. Smith; Craig T. James; Tom Campbell; Steven Schiff, Jim Ramstad; George Allen.) on the committee voted against the report, claiming there was no support for the findings by the two federal judges and the committee investigators. This obstruction of justice tactic duplicated the Republican obstruction of justice in the October Surprise scheme. The Republican block stated in their dissenting report:

Those entrusted with the enforcement of our laws in the Executive Branch are better qualified than Members of Congress to assess the utility of settling a legal controversy on terms favorable to a private litigant.

These Republican Congressmen held that the very same Jus­tice Department officials (committing the criminal acts, includ­ing the obstruction of justice, the destruction or withholding of documents, the threatening of informants) should be the only persons permitted to investigate their conduct.

The Republican Congressmen eulogized the very same Jus­tice Department officials who had been found by two federal courts to have engaged in corrupt acts. The dissenting opinion by the Republicans stated, "Fairness to DOJ requires..." Fairness? Under these bizarre conditions, destruction of documents (a felony), threatening witnesses (a felony), using government agencies to steal the livelihood
of innocent citizens (another felony)!

TRAP DOOR ALTERATIONS
Assured that the Congressional investigation would go no further, the Justice Department officials and their business asso­ciates continued their sale of the stolen PROMIS program. Meese's friend and business associate, Earl Brian, sold copies of Inslaw's software that had been leased to the Justice Department to intelligence agencies in Iraq and Israel, and to a broker in Santiago, Chile, for several hundred thousand dollars. (Wire Reports, Feb. 21, 1991)

Israel's Mossad obtained the PROMIS software from Earl Brian in 1982, through a front company called Degem, installing the "trap-door" permitting the Mossad to secretly enter the data base. Israel sold the PROMIS software to many countries, including Nicaragua, Colombia, Chile, and Brazil. In this way the CIA and the Mossad could spy on the countries that bought the program, including friendly nations.

The trap door alteration of the PROMIS program was accom­plished for the Mossad through Mossad agent Ben-Menashe, using a computer software company in Chatsworth, California.

The CIA, working with Justice Department officials and Earl Brian, had the trap door changes made by a group headed by CIA contract agent Michael Riconosciuto (Riconosciuto was Di­rector of Research for the Wackenhut Corporation), working on the Cabazon Indian Reservation near Indio, California. After the trap door changes were made to the software, Brian sold the first program to Jordan via his company, Hadron. The Mossad then secretly entered the computer program without Jordan's knowledge, revealing the success of the trap-door.

The CIA and Mossad approached Robert Maxwell, a British citizen and secret Mossad agent, through Senator John Tower, in 1984, to sell the PROMIS software to East Bloc countries, in­cluding Russia. Maxwell's Berlitz language schools, scattered throughout the world, made him an excellent source to carry out the plan. Maxwell also purchased an existing computer com­pany owned by the Mossad, Degem, with offices in several for­eign countries, to install the software.

According to Mossad agent Ari Ben-Menashe, by 1989, sales of the stolen PROMIS software brought in $40 million. Not bad for criminal activities using the U.S. Department of Justice fa­cilities, financed by taxpayers' dollars.

SOFTWARE FOR DRUGS
Guatemala purchased the PROMIS software, and the vast network of IBM computers needed to operate the program, in 1985, using money obtained from shipping drugs to the United States. Even the drug cartels used the PROMIS software. One of my DEA informants described a flight to Belize from the United States with DEA agent George Phillips, who had PROMIS software in his suitcases that were used to keep track of the DEA drug flights from Central and South America to the United States.

Unhappy with the U.S.-sanctioned shipment of chemical weapons to Iraq from Cardeon Industries in Chile, Ben-Menashe threatened to expose the sale of PROMIS software, and the hid­den trap-door, if the U.S. did not halt the shipments. Justice Department officials retaliated to silence him by charging Ben­Menashe with selling aircraft to a foreign country. Justice Department prosecutors and a federal judge caused Ben-Menashe to be imprisoned for a year pending trial, until a jury in New York set him free.

SELECTIVE MEDIA COVERAGE
An article in the legal newspaper, The Recorder (Feb. 5, 1990), criticized Michael Shaheen, Jr., head of the Justice De­partment's Office of Professional Responsibility, for "outrageous, deceitful, fraudulent" acts and the cover-up of such acts. Professor Bennett Gershman at New York's Pace Univer­sity School of law and author of Prosecutorial Misconduct, was quoted as stating, "It is a joke to say Justice [Department] po­lices itself".

A Miami Journal heading (March 15, 1991) read: "Justice Department Perverts Justice in Inslaw case", stating in part:

In the matter of the Department of Justice and the Inslaw case, a remarkable thing is happening: The stench gets worse. Until recently, it could be said of this shameful affair that it smelled only to high heaven. It is now beginning to smell to outer space. As attorney general, he ought to be doing his damnedest to get to the bottom of this disgraceful matter. Instead, he has stalled; he has stonewalled; he has taken refuge in legalisms; he has obstructed efforts of two congressional committees to dig out the facts. And this isn't even his scandal. He inherited the mess from Ed Meese.

A Vancouver Sun headline (April 5, 1991) stated: "Probe of Hot-Software Charge Urged". The article stated in part:

Solicitor-General Pierre Cadieux should go before a par­liamentary committee to answer charges the RCM and CSIS are using stolen computer software, opposition MPs said Thursday. The PROMIS software was allegedly pirated by U.S. Justice Department officials and sold by associates of former president Ronald Reagan to government agencies in Canada, Libya, Iraq, (It is believed that Iraq used the PROMIS software during the Persian Gulf War) and Israel, according to affidavits filed in U.S. bankruptcy court last week.

An article in the Financial Times of London (April 5, 1991) re­ferred to the Inslaw matter:

A BIZARRE series of allegations--including claims of mis­conduct by Mr. Robert McFarlane, the former National Secu­rity Adviser to President Ronald Reagan--have surfaced as a result of a seemingly obscure legal action involving the U.S. Department of Justice and a small Washington computer software company called lnslaw. ....they charge Israeli intelligence forces are using an Inslaw computer software system illegally provided by Mr. McFarlane. ....several members of the Washington establishment and U.S. press reports suggest Inslaw may be only the tip of an iceberg that could have im­plications for U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.

A Daily Journal headline (October 25, 1991) stated: "The Promisgate Plot Thickens", with the subtitle: "Scandal over Jus­tice Department Software Could Run Very Deep". The article revealed that the scheme was to deliver Inslaw's stolen software to a company in which Attorney General Edwin Meese had an interest and then the stolen software would be sold to the Justice Department in a $250 million contract to automate Justice Department litigation divisions.

Syndicated columnist James Kilpatrick headlined his August 29, 1991, article stating, "Odor Of a Situation Needing a Probe". The article stated in part:

Some months ago, writing about the Inslaw case, I said the affair was beginning to stink to high heaven. With the death of Danny Casolaro, a free-lance investigative reporter, the stench grows worse. . There is reason to believe that Danny Casolaro went to Martinsburg to crack the [Inslaw] case. He had told friends that Inslaw was part of an "octopus" of criminal activities in high places, including the BCCI and the Savings and Loan scandals.

[H: Yes indeed, as we move along here we are going to find that there is DOCUMENTED evidence that your then President, Ronald Reagan, KNEW ALL ABOUT THESE THINGS--AND DID IN FACT OVERSEE EVERY BIT OF THE DIRTY DEALINGS FROM INSLAW TO IRAN/­CONTRA--EVERYTHING. This man may have rep­resented a "Teflon" president to you ones but to us he was nothing but a scoundrel, liar and basically, killer. When you have such a place of power, dear ones, you don't have to do the "dirty work" yourself. In fact, you are even more remote than directly ordering dirty work, but sometimes that happens also and, further, it too gets documented be­cause of the in-between people involved. You will find that one thing which really gets Reagan into trouble as to "clean or dirty hands" is a VERY PERSONAL matter. If, in fact, the "brothers" who are monitoring this keyboard don't require that the Bad Boys back off and allow completion of our transactions--it is not going to be "clear" much longer. I don't need another party involved to BREAK THIS WIDE OPEN! Now, I suggest that you clear the pathway and con­duits and get our agreements fulfilled for my patience is wearing a bit thin! WE WILL KEEP ALL AGREEMENTS AND SO WILL OUR PARTICIPANTS--WE EXPECT THE SAME RESPECT. I suggest you let my people go--and clear the barriers immediately. Thank you.]
ORGANIZED CRIME IN THE
JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
An article written by former U.S. Attorney General Elliott Richardson, appearing in newspapers throughout the United States (October 27, 1991), was headlined, "Organized Crime in the U.S. Justice Department--The Stench at the U.S. Justice Department". The former Attorney General called for appointment of independent counsel to investigate the alleged corruption by Justice Department officials (Earl Brian, California health sec­retary under Governor Ronald Reagan, and a friend of Attorney General Edwin Meese, linked to a scheme to steal Inslaw 's computer software used by the Justice Department). in the Chapter 11 misconduct involving Inslaw. Richardson called for an independent counsel to investigate the Justice Department's misconduct on the basis that the nation's highest law enforcement agency was heavily implicated in Chapter 11 corruption.

OTHER CRIMINALITY SURFACED
Another pattern of corruption surfaced as Congressional in­vestigators questioned Michael Riconosciuto. They learned that he helped arrange the transfer of $40 million bribe money that was paid to the Iranians during the October 19, 1980 weekend meetings in Paris. This startling revelation provided further evidence of the October Surprise operation. Both the Senate and the House kept the lid on these scandals.

Inslaw's attorney, Elliott Richardson, requested an affidavit from Riconosciuto concerning his knowledge of the Justice De­partment's role in the Inslaw matter. When Justice Department officials learned of these requests, Justice Department official Peter Videnieks threatened Riconosciuto during a telephone call, warning him that if he gave evidence to the Congressional com­mittee and into the Inslaw civil suit, serious things would happen to him and his wife, Bobbi. Riconosciuto taped his telephone conversation.

These threats were crimes under federal criminal statutes (Title 18 U.S.C. subs 1512 and 1513). But who would prose­cute when the crimes were committed by the highest law en­forcement personnel in the United States?

The affidavit stated many details of the October Surprise op­eration, including the fact that Ben-Menashe saw Bush in Paris in October 1980; that there were three meetings in Madrid be­tween the Reagan-Bush campaign group and Iranian factions; that there was a fourth meeting in Barcelona; that he saw Bush, William Casey and key Iranian officials in Paris at the October 1980 meeting; that the head of the French intelligence (SDECE), was at the Paris meetings; that Hamid Nagashian, deputy director of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, aides to high ranking Iranians, were present in Paris. The affidavit stated that Bush showed the Iranians a check for $40 million made out to them which was then deposited in a Luxembourg bank.


An affidavit submitted by Richard Babayan (March 22, 1991) into a federal court proceeding in the District of Columbia (Case number 85-0070, U.S. Bankruptcy Court, District of Columbia), described the sale of Inslaw's software by Earl Brian, to Iraq, Korea, Libya, and Chile.

Another affidavit dated March 21, 1991, was prepared by Michael Riconosciuto, describing his CIA connections and the altering of the Inslaw software on the orders of Earl Brian for sale to foreign governments. Included in the three-page affi­davit were the statements:

The purpose of the PROMIS software modifications that I made in 1983 and 1984 was to support a plan for the imple­mentation of PROMIS in law enforcement and intelligence agencies worldwide. Earl W. Brian was spearheading the plan for this worldwide use of the PROMIS computer soft­ware.

Despite these threats, Riconosciuto submitted testimony to Congress and the affidavit to Inslaw's attorney. The declaration stated:

UNITED STATES BANKRUPTCY COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
IN RE:
INSLAW, INC., ) Case No. 85-00070
Debtor (Chapter 11)

INSLAW, INC., ) Adversary Proceeding
No. 86-0069

Plaintiff,
vs. )
)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, )
and the UNITED STATES )
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, )
)
Defendants )
___________________
AFFIDAVIT OF MICHAEL J. RICONOSCIUTO
State of Washington )
) ss:
)

I, MICHAEL J. RICONOSCIUTO, being duly sworn, do hereby state as follows:

I. During the early 1980s, I served as the Director of Re­search for a joint venture between the Wackenhut Corporation of Coral Gables, Florida, and the Cabazon Band of Indians of In­dio, California. The joint venture was located on the Cabazon Reservation.

2. The Wackenhut-Cabazon joint venture sought to develop and/or manufacture certain materials that are used in military and national security operations, including night vision goggles, machine guns, fuel-air explosives, and biological and chemical warfare weapons.

3. The Cabazon Band of Indians are a sovereign nation. The sovereign immunity that is accorded the Cabazons as a con­sequence of this fact made it feasible to pursue on the reserva­tion the development and/or manufacture of materials whose de­velopment or manufacture would be subject to stringent controls off the reservation. As a minority group, the Cabazon Indians also provided the Wackenhut Corporation with an enhanced ability to obtain federal contracts through the 8A Set Aside Program, and in connection with Government-owned contractor-op­erated (GOCO) facilities.

4. The Wackenhut-Cabazon joint venture was intended to support the needs of a number of foreign governments and forces, including forces and governments in Central America and the Middle East. The Contras in Nicaragua represented one of the most important priorities for the joint venture.

5. The Wackenhut-Cabazon joint venture maintained closed liaison with certain elements of the United States Government, including representatives of intelligence, military and law en­forcement agencies.
6. Among the frequent visitors to the Wackenhut-Cabazon joint venture were Peter Videnieks of the U.S. Department of Justice in Washington, D.C. , and a close associate of Videnieks by the name of Earl W. Brian. Brian is a private businessman who lives in Maryland and who has maintained close business ties with the U.S. intelligence community for many years.

7. In connection with my work for Wackenhut, I engaged in some software development and modification work in 1983 and 1984 on the proprietary PROMIS computer software product. The copy of PROMIS on which I worked came from the U.S. Department of Justice. Earl W. Brian made it available to me through Wackenhut after acquiring it from Peter Videnieks, who was then a Department of Justice contracting official with re­sponsibility for the PROMIS software. I performed the modifi­cations to PROMIS in Indio, California; Silver Springs,
Mary­land; and Miami, Florida.


8. The purpose of the PROMIS software modifications that I made in 1983 and 1984 was to support a plan for the imple­mentation of PROMIS in law enforcement and intelligence agen­cies worldwide. Earl W. Brian was spearheading the plan for this worldwide use of the PROMIS computer software.


9. Some of the modifications that I made were specifically designed to facilitate the implementation of PROMIS within two agencies of the Government of Canada; the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and the Canadian Security and Intelli­gence Service (CSIS). Earl W. Brian would check with me from time to time to make certain that the work would be completed in time to satisfy the schedule for the RCMP and CSIS implementa­tions of PROMIS.

10. The proprietary version of PROMIS, as modified by me, was, in fact, implemented in both the RCMP and the CSIS in Canada. It was my understanding that Earl W. Brian had sold this version of PROMIS to the Government of Canada.

11. In February 1991, I had a telephone conversation with Peter Videnieks, then still employed by the U S. Department of Justice. Videnieks attempted during this telephone conversation to persuade me not to cooperate with an independent investiga­tion of the government's piracy of Inslaw's proprietary PROMIS software being conducted by the Committee on the Judiciary of the U. S. House of Representatives.

12. Videnieks stated that I would be rewarded for a decision not to cooperate with the House Judiciary Committee investiga­tion. Videnieks forecasted an immediate and favorable resolu­tion of a protracted child custody dispute being prosecuted against my wife by her former husband, if I were to decide not to cooperate with the House Judiciary Committee investigation.

13. Videnieks also outlined specific punishments that I could expect to receive from the U.S. Department of Justice if I coop­erated with the House Judiciary Committee's investigation.

14. One punishment that Videnieks outlined was the future inclusion of me and my father in a criminal prosecution of cer­tain business associates of mine in Orange County, California, in connection with the operation of a Savings and Loan institu­tion in Orange County. By way of underscoring his power to influence such decisions at the U.S. Department of Justice, Videnieks informed me of the indictment of these business asso­ciates prior to the time when that indictment was unsealed and made public.

15. Another punishment that Videnieks threatened against me if I cooperated with the House Judiciary Committee is prosecu­tion by the U. S. Department of Justice for perjury. Videnieks warned me that credible witnesses would come forward to con­tradict any damaging claims that I made in testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, and that I would subsequently be prosecuted for perjury by the U.S. Department of Justice for my testimony before the House Judiciary Committee.

FURTHER AFFIANT SAYETH NOT.

_____________________
Michael J. Riconosciuto

Signed and sworn to before me this 21 day of March 1991

_____________________
Notary Public

* * * * *
In addition to Riconosciuto's affidavit exposing the Justice Department's role in the Inslaw scandal there were others. Former Mossad agent Ari Ben-Menashe, provided an affidavit to Congress showing that Earl Brian brokered the stolen PROMIS software to Iraq through the office of Carlos Cardoen in Santiago, Chile. Cardoen was deeply involved with the CIA in shipping chemical weapons and other military supplies to Iraq.

Another affidavit, dated March 22, 1991, entered into the
Congressional Record, given by Richard H. Babayan, stated in part:

UNITED STATES BANKRUPTCY COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
IN RE:
) Case no. 85-00070
INSLAW, INC. , ) (Chapter 11)
Debtor,
____________________
INSLAW, INC. ,
) Adversary Proceeding
) No. 86-0069
Plaintiff )
)
vs. )
)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, )
and the UNITED STATES )
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, )
)
Defendants. )
________________ )

AFFIDAVIT OF RICHARD H. BABAYAN
State of Florida )
) ss:
Palm Beach County )

I, RICHARD H. BABAYAN, being duly sworn, do hereby state as follows:

1. During the past several years, I have acted as a broker of sales of materials and equipment used by foreign governments in their armed forces, intelligence and security organizations.

2. In the capacity described in paragraph # 1, I attended a meeting in Baghdad, Iraq, in October or November, 1987, with Mr. Abu Mohammed of Entezamat, an intelligence and security organ of the Government of Iraq. Mr. Abu Mohammed is a se­nior ranking official of Entezamat and a person with whom I had extensive dealings over the previous three years.

3. During the aforementioned meeting with Mr. Abu Mo­hammed, I was informed that Dr. Earl W. Brian of the United States had recently completed a sales presentation to the Government of Iraq regarding the PROMIS computer software. Furthermore, it is my understanding that others present at Dr. Brian's PROMIS sales presentation were General Richard Secord, of the United States, and Mr. Abu Mohammed.

4. In early to mid-1988, in the course of subsequent visits to Baghdad, Iraq, I was informed that Dr. Earl W. Brian had, in fact, provided the PROMIS computer software to the Govern­ment of Iraq through a transaction that took place under the um­brella of Mr. Sarkis Saghanollan, an individual who has had extensive business dealings with the Government of Iraq since the late 1970s in the fields of military hardware and software. I was also informed that the Government of Iraq acquired the PROMIS software for use primarily in intelligence services, and secondarily in police and law enforcement agencies.

5. During the course of the visits described in paragraph #4, I also learned
from Mr. Abu Mohammed that the Government of Libya had acquired the PROMIS computer software prior to its acquisition by the Government of Iraq; that the Government of Libya had by then made extensive use of PROMIS, and that the Government of Libya was highly recommending the PROMIS software to other countries. I was informed that the high quality of the reference for the PROMIS software from the Government of Libya was one of the principal reasons for the decision of the Government of Iraq to acquire PROMIS.

6. In the capacity described in paragraph # 1, I attended a meeting in early 1988 in Singapore with Mr. Y.H. Nam of the Korea Development Corporation.
7. The Korea Development Corporation is known to be a cutout for the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA).
8. I learned from Mr. Y.H. Nam during the meeting de­scribed in paragraph # 6 that the KCIA had acquired the PROMIS computer software, and that Dr. Earl W. Brian of the United States had been instrumental in the acquisition and im­plementation of PROMIS by the KCIA.

9. In the capacity described in paragraph #1, I attended a meeting in Santiago, Chile, in December, 1988, with Mr. Carlos Carduen of Carduen Industries. During this meeting, I was in­formed by Mr. Carduen that Dr. Earl W. Brian of the United States and Mr. Robert Gates, a senior American intelligence and national security official, had just completed a meeting in Santi­ago, Chile, with Mr. Carlos Carduen.

10. I hereby certify that the facts set forth in this Affidavit are true and correct to the best of my knowledge.

FURTHER AFFIANT SAYETH NOT.

_______________________
/s/Richard A. Babayan.

Riconosciuto prepared an affidavit (March 21, 1991) that was submitted into the Inslaw litigation, stating that he altered the PROMIS software under orders from Earl Brian; that he worked with the Wackenhut Corporation at the Cabazon Indian Reservation near Indio, California, to alter the software; that he was involved in wire transfers of CIA money with the Nugan Hand Bank in Australia in the 1970s; that Justice Department official Peter Videnieks had threatened him if he were to testify before Congress in the Inslaw matter.

Former U.S Attorney General Elliott Richardson (October 27, 1991), the attorney for the Inslaw company, requested the present U.S. Attorney to request appointment of an Independent Prosecutor to continue the investigation and to prosecute the in­volved Justice Department officials. His statements appeared in media articles, including the headline, "Organized Crime in the U.S. Justice Department--The Stench at the U.S. Justice Department". Richardson cited charges made by 30 people sup­porting the existence of criminal acts by Justice Department of­ficials in the Inslaw case.

* * *
Let us end this segment, please. I believe we can finish the Inslaw subject in one more sitting but it is a bit late this day. It is imperative that we complete it for this week's paper to go with that which Rick will have to print as well. These are very, very critical writings so I do have to ask that we stay with it long enough to get it finished. Thank you.

CHAPTER 12
REC #1 HATONN
SAT., MAY 7, 1994 9:33 A.M. YEAR 7, DAY 264

SAT., MAY 7, 1994
INSLAW AND CRIMES AT "JUSTICE"
QUOTING:
Part DEFRAUDING AMERICA, Part 24
by Rodney Stich
SHIFTING RESPONSIBILITIES

The Congressional committees had the power to commence impeachment proceedings against Justice Department officials, but avoided the fight and the possibility of Justice Department retaliation. Instead of taking meaningful action it issued a report condemning the Justice Department.

AT BEST, A GROUP OF COWARDS
Not a single member of that Congressional committee, or of any other Congressional committee who knew of the threats and the carrying out of the threats, exercised their duty to provide relief and halt the ongoing criminal activities by federal officials over whom they had responsibilities. The members of Congress were like crooked police officials who looked the other way. Even the Hamiltons, who were helped by Riconosciuto's testimony, and who had sufficient funds to have provided legal help for Riconosciuto and his wife, wouldn't lift a finger to help this couple who almost single-handedly fought the corruption com­mitted by Justice Department officials and attorneys.

The House Committee recommended to the Justice Depart­ment that it request the Court of Appeals in Washington, D.C., to appoint an Independent Prosecutor to investigate and prose­cute the criminal acts by several U.S. Attorney Generals and Justice Department officials. (An independent prosecutor [or counsel] is appointed by a panel of three judges in the U.S. Court of Appeals at Washington, following the recommendation by the U.S. Attorney General). Attorney General William Barr, former legal counsel with the Central Intelligence Agency, who is deeply involved with the stolen PROMIS software, refused to do that. What else could be expected? Attorney General William Barr, who was also implicated, refused to do so, just as the Attorney Generals have refused to appoint an Independent Prosecutor in October Surprise, BCCI, Bank of Lavoro, and other scandals described within these pages.

Media publicity forced Barr to do something. He appointed a former Justice Department crony to conduct an "investigation" of the Inslaw matter, and then report back to him. The special counsel would be selected by Barr; would be subservient to him; and would report to him. Barr could then ignore the recom­mendations if, in the remote possibility the special counsel did not cooperate in the expected cover-up.

SPECIAL COUNSEL "INVESTIGATION"
Reacting to media publicity, Barr hand-picked a Chicago at­torney and five Justice Department prosecutors to investigate himself and Justice Department officials in the Inslaw affair. Barr selected Chicago attorneys Nicholas Bua and his law part­ner, Charles Knight, partners in the Chicago law firm of Burke, Bosselman & Weaver, who then impaneled a federal grand jury to conduct an "investigation" into the Inslaw affair. Bua's law partner, attorney Charles Knight, controlled the witnesses and questioning before the federal grand jury.

TRYING TO CIRCUMVENT THE COVER-UP
Recognizing the imminent cover-up, several members of the Chicago-based Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, 9800 So. Oglesby, Chicago, IL 60617, advised Bua that they were presenting evidence to the grand jury investigating the Inslaw scandal. Bua angrily responded that he would bring charges against the group, and against any grand jury member who acted on the evidence. Bua warned the group that he wanted to get Inslaw behind him, and that he had no intention of prosecuting anyone in the Justice Department.

The Chicago federal grand jury subpoenaed Riconosciuto (November 1992) to testify concerning the Inslaw affair. Ri­conosciuto was in federal prison at Terminal Island, California, as a result of the charges filed by Justice Department officials after Riconosciuto testified to the Congressional committee. On the first day of testimony, Justice Department officials moved Riconosciuto from his jail cell, without advising him that he would be testifying, preventing him from bringing his evidence. Justice Department officials then had Riconosciuto appear be­fore the grand jury in shackles, leg irons, and handcuffs, creat­ing the impression that he was a dangerous criminal rather than a victim of Justice Department retaliation.

Attorney Knight sought to discredit Riconosciuto by admon­ishing him for not having brought any evidence to support his testimony. In a sneering tone Knight warned Riconosciuto in front of the grand jury that he would be criminally prosecuted if he gave false testimony. Riconosciuto was already aware of how Justice Department prosecutors had charged Richard Bren­neke with perjury when Brenneke had truthfully testified to be­ing employed by the CIA and having seen George Bush and Donald Gregg in Paris on the infamous October 19, 1980 week­end.

Brenneke had nothing to gain by his testimony. Neither did Riconosciuto. They were both disillusioned with the corruption in the CIA and sought to exercise their responsibilities under federal crime-reporting statutes and as citizens. They both suffered as a result of their courage and determination.

SIMULTANEOUS MURDERS
AND RETALIATION
Riconosciuto sought help from various people to gather sup­porting documents for this grand jury proceeding. Among those gathering documents were his wife, Bobbi, and CIA contacts, including Ian Stuart Spiro, who resided in San Diego with his wife and three children. Spiro had reportedly worked with Ri­conosciuto and the CIA.

Spiro never provided Riconosciuto with the Inslaw data. Spiro's wife and three children were found in different rooms of their home in San Diego (November 8, 1992), each shot in the head. Several days later police found Spiro's body in a parked car. Throughout these pages the assassina­tions, killings and mysterious deaths conveniently protected U.S. officials involved in the criminality that members of Congress sought to protect.

[H: Wouldn't you just begin to guess, now, that perhaps Ronn Jackson will know "something" about these "take­outs"? No, I am not inferring that he did them--but I would certainly surmise that if he had nothing to do with them, himself, he most certainly WILL KNOW WHO DID!]

CARRYING OUT THE THREATS
Justice Department officials threatened Riconosciuto with re­taliation if he testified. Congress knew this. Riconosciuto did testify, and the threats were carried out, while Congressman Brooks and his committee observed, refusing to perform their duty to provide help to these people who were being harmed by criminal misuse of Justice Department facilities.

In carrying out the scheme, Justice Department and DEA of­ficials transferred DEA legal counsel Bob Hurley from Nicosia, Cyprus, to the State of Washington. Hurley promptly com­menced setting up Riconosciuto for false charges of manufacturing amphetamines. The scheme included staging video taping of Riconosciuto receiving a package that allegedly contained amphetamines, none of which were introduced into evidence. Justice Department officials charged Riconosciuto with manu­facturing amphetamines, and then built a circumstantial evidence case against him. [H: Protocols of Zion: (not to even intro­duce the Kol Nidre [vow of all vows], let us consider Proto­col number 15 as listed in the shortened version in Rabbi Reichhorn in 1869: "...If one of our people should unhappily fall into the hands of justice amongst the Christians or Goyims, we must rush to help him: find as many witnesses AS HE NEEDS (with all evidence he might need to set him free, to save him from his judges (who might be Goyim or Christian) UNTIL WE BECOME JUDGES OURSELVES !!]

The charges included finding of drums of chemicals on Ri­conosciuto's property which Riconosciuto stated were used in his ongoing mining activities, which employed many people. There was no evidence of any amphetamine manufacturing and none was introduced. Justice Department prosecutors never produced any drugs at the trial, relying on circumstantial evidence.

On the basis of unproven drug charges, Justice Department attorneys seized Riconosciuto's assets under federal forfeiture laws, making him dependent upon a court-appointed at­torney, who had neither the time or the inclination to fight this system, or the money to hire investigators to obtain evi­dence needed by Riconosciuto.

Justice Department agents seized the tape showing Justice Department's Videnieks threatening him and his wife if he testi­fied before Congress. Computer equipment and tapes con­taining considerable evidence of Riconosciuto's CIA-related ac­tivities had been seized by Justice Department personnel. One witness, Vali Delajunty, who had witnessed conversations in which DEA agent Hurley had threatened John Monson to coop­erate in the setup, and who had agreed to testify in Riconosci­uto's behalf, disappeared.

Stripped of his assets, Riconosciuto was unable to have ex­pert witnesses appear who would testify to the use of the chemi­cals in the mining operation. Riconosciuto was unable to have witnesses appear who would vouch for his CIA connections. It was a hopeless battle for Riconosciuto.

A Tacoma, Washington jury, believing that the Justice De­partment surely wouldn't charge a person with a crime if it wasn't true, held Riconosciuto guilty as charged. Riconosciuto was represented by a court-appointed attorney whose tactics supported the Justice Department prosecutors. I was appalled by the inadequate defense and denial of the most elementary due process protections. But this is common in cases where Justice Department officials have set up someone to silence them, or to discredit what they may reveal about corruption involving high officials or ongoing criminal enterprises.

LARGE NUMBER OF RELATED MURDERS
PROTECTING JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
AND OTHER OFFICIALS
Riconosciuto had relied upon Spiro to obtain evidence needed for his defense, but Spiro and his family were killed. Casolaro also had evidence that would have assisted Riconosciuto, but he also had been killed. Earlier legal counsel and others who had worked with Riconosciuto had been killed, including attorneys Alan D. Standorf and Dennis Eisman and an investigator for Ri­conosciuto, Larry Guerrin. The friend, Vali Delajunty, who had disappeared shortly before the trial, was found dead a year later, shot, in a nearby ravine. Another attorney, John Craw­ford, who worked with Riconosciuto, died of a reported heart attack in April 1993.

While in prison at Terminal Island near Los Angeles the spe­cial counsel "investigation" in Chicago convened, and out of ne­cessity Bua had to subpoena Riconosciuto to appear. The sub­sequent events suggest that Justice Department officials acted again to thwart Riconosciuto from testifying.

GOING AFTER THE WIFE AND CHILDREN
Just before Riconosciuto was to testify to the federal grand jury in Chicago about Justice Department involvement in the Inslaw affair, his wife, Bobbi, was seized by Napa County, Cali­fornia, police officers, and put in jail. Bail was set at $50,000. What great crime did this woman commit?

Months earlier a Mason County. Washington, judge ren­dered an ex parte order, while Bobbi resided in California, taking custody of the children from Bobbi to her former husband. This order was rendered without Bobbi's knowl­edge or presence. For months no action was taken on the order, even though Bobbi's residence was known. But just before Riconosciuto was to testify in the Inslaw affair a criminal contempt of court order was rendered against her for not returning the children, that she had borne, to her former husband in Washington.

NAPA COUNTY, CALIFORNIA, POLICE SEIZED BOBBI ON NOVEMBER 12, 1992, AT WHICH TIME SHE WAS PUT IN HANDCUFFS AND LEG IRONS AND MOVED TO THE NAPA COUNTY JAIL. AT HER AR­RAIGNMENT EXTRAORDINARY SECURITY WAS EVI­DENT AROUND THE COURT HOUSE, AS IF BOBBI WAS A DANGEROUS CRIMINAL. (I had met Bobbi shortly before that occurred, and was met by a short, de­mure, sweet woman, who certainly was no threat to anyone, except Justice Department officials. Six months later, when this book went to press, Bobbi was STILL IN JAIL.

[H: Think this can't happen?? It happens all the time--every day, all over the map. They TRIED to get the Ekkers on a CRIMINAL TRESPASS warrant issued on a day when there was NO COURT HEARING SCHEDULED and by a JUDGE who has publicly stated he was "gonna get the Ekkers"! In­deed, you don't even have to be a very BIG problem and it can be simply a personal matter and THIS IS THE KIND OF JUSTICE SYSTEM YOU HAVE, FRIENDS!]

CONSEQUENCES OF FIGHTING,
U.S. CORRUPTION
For trying to expose the Justice Department corruption in the Inslaw affair the Riconosciuto family lost their home, their busi­ness, their possessions, and were destitute. Michael Ri­conosciuto was in prison on a twenty-one year sentence and his wife was in jail, being held on $50,000 bail, and she lost three of her children.

[H: Again, let us look at the Ekker case with circumstances. George Green and conspirators brought in the Treasury De­partment and other Federal agencies. The first real test was AGAINST THE RESOLUTION TRUST CORPORATION and the Santa Barbara Savings and Loan--with the whole crooked nine-yards of corrupt judges and lawyers PLACED in strategic placements to insure success of the rip-off scams.
George Green even went further, however, by publishing books and then bringing charges against the scribe--while the opposing attorneys acted in HIS BEHALF--he never had to so much as appear in a courtroom. He also stole hundreds of thousands of dollars in gold coins FROM THE INSTITUTE in which he was an officer and DIRECTOR. He then carried the stolen loot from California to Nevada--AND STILL HAS NO ACTION BY LAW IN THE MATTER.
The Ekkers have lost their reputation in a town where they had been well-loved and in business for many years, lost ALL their property (home and real estate), have had at­tempts to incarcerate them unlawfully AND it still contin­ues!! There have been numerous Associated Press articles smearing them in every nation which utilizes the AP and endless fundings have poured in from the associates and, ac­tually, intelligence sources, to have radio smears, discredit­ing, theft of printed material and on and on ad nauseam. While, I might add, a mail campaign with "his own accusations written in legal form and presented as court evidence" sent across the nation to every party he had listed on his STOLEN listings. But, does HE PAY a price? NOPE, the intent is to run the Ekkers out of any help at all from the le­gal profession; and it just worked again as the Institute's lawyer, Dickey, quit the case--and it boiled down to the fact that the "opposition" convinced him there would be no funds for more dragged-out legal confrontation
--such as new cases of receivership and bankruptcy. However, the most in­credible disservice of all was that HE INSISTED THAT THE EKKERS COME TO NEVADA TO APPEAR IN A CASE WHEN HE HAD KNOWN FROM THE BEGINNING THAT THEY WOULD NOT BE ALLOWED TO GO TO NEVADA--AND SURELY ENOUGH, HE WAS SETTING THEM UP FOR IMMEDIATE ARREST ON RICO CHARGES THE MINUTE THEY CROSSED THE STATE LINE. WAS HE PRIVY TO THIS MATTER? WHO KNOWS? HOW CAN YOU TRUST ANY OF THEM (LAWYERS)? HE HAS NOW CLAIMED THAT THE REASON HE RESIGNED AS ATTORNEY FOR THE INSTITUTE IS BECAUSE E.J. EKKER ACTED AS IF HE "DIDN'T TRUST HIM"! Well, like the "Timex"--this bunch of my beloved ones, TAKE A LICKING AND COME BACK TICKING...! Citizens, you MUST do something about this MASSIVE CANCER EATING YOU ALIVE, and until you DO SO, you will never have a prayer of having freedom. If you have control BY an UNJUST bunch of total criminals in the Justice System--you have SLAVERY, pure and simple. By the way, Ekkers are just an immediate, local example with which most of your readers have familiarity--there are other WORSE attacks and confiscations in which there has been inability at recourse of any kind--such as Riconosciu­tos, Weans, Renick and on and on and on--how about Red Beckman? How about Randy Weaver? HOW ABOUT WACO??? AND, ON A PERSONAL LEVEL, THE AU­THOR IN THIS WRITING, RODNEY STICH!]
Many others suffered similar fate at the hands of U.S. offi­cials. Ronald Rewald is in prison on an eighty-year prison sen­tence, the fall-guy in the CIA's Hawaii operation. Russbacher's life has been destroyed and he languishes in prison [H: Now in Austria's prison]. His wife, Rayelan, lost her home, her sav­ings, and lives from day to day, helped by friends. My life, of course, has been destroyed, simply because I sought to exercise basic responsibilities as a citizen and as a federal investigator. During my investigations these tragic stories have been repeated time and time again.

This same group responsible for these tragedies have inflicted horror beyond comprehension upon many Americans and throughout the world. And the American public remains mute, as cattle going to the slaughter!

AIDING AND ABETTING BY STATE JUDGES,
There is a close working relationship between state and fed­eral police agencies and judges in carrying out the schemes de­scribed herein, whether it is silencing whistleblowers, covering up for killings, or covering up for the corruption by federal per­sonnel.

CITIZEN COMMITTEE CHARGING
THE INSLAW SPECIAL COUNSEL WITH
OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE
'The cover-up by the Inslaw special counsel aroused the ire of the Citizens Committee to Clean Up the Courts, causing them to file a law suit in the U.S. District Court (Number 92-C-6217), September 1992, at Chicago, naming as defendants, attorneys Nicolas J. Bua (Bua was a Federal District Court Judge in Chicago until 1991. He then joined the Chicago law firm of Burke, Boggelman & Weaver) and Charles Knight. This law suit was in response to the cover-up that the Plaintiffs discov­ered.

Two of the plaintiffs in the action, Sherman Skolnick and Mark Sato, had been in Bua's law offices, advising that they were going to circumvent the special counsel and give evidence and testimony to the foreman of the grand jury relating to Justice Department misconduct in the Inslaw matter. According to Skolnick and Sato, Bua stated, "I do not intend to prosecute anyone. I want the matter behind me". Bua told the Citizens Committee group that he would block the giving of testimony and evidence to the grand jury, and would hold them in con­tempt if they tried to give evidence to them. (Skolnick is chair­man of the Chicago-based Citizens Committee to Clean Up the Courts. Sato is a legal researcher and writer. The "third" plaintiff was Michael Riconosciuto, charged with reportedly trumped-up amphetamine charges shortly after giving testimony to the House committee investigating the Inslaw matter. A week earlier a high Justice Department official, Videnieks, warned Riconosciuto that he would suffer the consequences if he gave testimony to Congress. [These threats constituted federal crimes]).

Riconosciuto had appeared before the grand jury in Novem­ber 1992, but had been blocked from obtaining any supporting evidence other than his testimony. Spiro, who was helping him obtain evidence, had been killed. Three of his attorneys had been killed or mysteriously died. Riconosciuto's private investi­gator had been killed.

UNLAWFULLY DISMISSING
THE GRAND JURY
The first grand jury started listening to the evidence and giv­ing it credibility. Bua quickly dismissed that jury and empan­eled another one, more amenable, who would rubber-stamp the acts of the special counsel. Grand juries that exercise the independence they are expected to have, and who act contrary to the U.S. Attorney,
are called "runaway" grand juries.

As was expected, Bua released his decision in June 1993, holding that the conduct of his Justice Department employers was proper. When asked to appoint an Independent Prosecutor by former U.S. Attorney General Elliott Richardson, U.S. Attorney General Reno refused to do so.

RUNAWAY GRAND JURY
A rare example of a runaway grand jury occurred in Denver as the jury received evidence of massive pollution at the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant exposed cover-up (November 1992). U.S. Attorney Michael Norton sought to block the investigation and the jury ignored his attempts. Instead of covering up for large-scale problems at Rocky Flats, the grand jury, under the guidance of a rancher and grand jury foreman, Wes McKinley, prepared a letter for President-elect Bill Clinton to appoint a suitable independent prosecutor to investigate whether or not any federal criminal laws were violated at Rocky Flats.

END OF PART 24

* * *
And how is your week going--NOW? My enemies continue to denounce me as a Fear Monger and WORSE, an evil, lying en­tity pretending to be Doris Ekker. I am called a reptilian, snake and lizard and my people are called worse... People, if you can't see the danger you face then there is no FEAR great enough for you, quite frankly. You have allowed the destruc­tion of FREEDOM, the demoralization of your offspring, the disastrous defacing of your life source, your planet, and you have no respect for GOD CREATOR. And ones call me names??? Oh, beloved little brethren, so often I, myself, am tempted to leave you to your rightful reward and fate in the midst of this corruption. That, however, is unacceptable to my Creator whom I serve. I am commissioned to bring the Truth in the WORD which shall also bear the "way". I can only hope that some of you were able to witness the UFO cover-up SHAME UPON YOUR CONTROLLERS, last evening. There are many from "out there" among you
--hidden, tortured and tampered with in your secret dungeons. Your evil empires had best be concerned--for YOU OF CREATOR have no enemy FROM space--but the evil empire SURELY DOES! MR. REAGAN, AS PRESIDENT, TOLD YOU SO! HE SHOULD KNOW ABOUT SUCH FOR HE HAD OPPORTUNITY TO CHANGE THINGS AND HE WENT ON IN HIS MASSIVE CORRUPTION--THIS MAN (AND CUTE LITTLE NANCY) WILL GO DOWN ULTIMATELY, IN HISTORY, AS ONE OF THE MOST EVIL PERSONAGES TO GRACE YOUR OTHER EVIL EMPIRE CLOWNS' STAGE OF HORRORS.

ALSO, YOU MIGHT TRY-ON TED TURNER AND JANIE FOR DESTROYERS OF MASSIVE IMPORTANCE!

Again I refer to the Protocols of Zion as offered in 1869 (but originating before 1489 A.D.).

As radio, TV and movies were not in production--the word "press" is used. Do not let this FOOL you, sleepyheads, it MEANS MIND CONTROL BY ANY DEFINITION!

[Protocol] 5. "....The other great power [besides holding the treasure (gold)] is THE PRESS. By repeating without cessa­tion certain ideas, the Press succeeds in the end in having them accepted as actualities. The Theatre renders us analo­gous services. Everywhere the Press and the Theatre OBEY OUR ORDERS".

May GOD have mercy and give you ability to see and hear for your time upon this wondrous place is short indeed. Salu.