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응답: PJ#223, BIRTHING THE PHOENIX VOL. 2
PJ 223CHAPTER 5GEORGE WASHINGTON
UNITED STATES, 17TH SEPTEMBER 1796
Editor's note: The following complete version of Washington's Farewell Address has been extracted from the Internet, as Commander Hatonn requested for inclusion with the subject material of this week's CONTACT.
This address was written primarily to eliminate himself as a candidate for a third term. It was never read by the President in public, but it was printed in Claypoole's AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER, Philadelphia, September 19, 1796. The address is in two parts: In the first, Washington declines a third term, gives his reasons, and acknowledges a debt of gratitude for the honors conferred upon him and for the confident support of the people. In the second, more important part, he presents, as a result of his experience and as a last legacy of advice, thoughts upon the government.
George Washington gave Claypoole a manuscript which he called "his copy" and it was from this manuscript that the type was set in the newspaper, After Claypoole's death, the manuscript was ordered to be sold at auction on February 12, 1850. Senator Henry Clay on January 24 offered a joint resolution for its purchase by the government, but the resolution was not signed by President Taylor until the day of the sale. The manuscript was sold to James Lenox for $2,300, and passed, with his library, to the New York Public Library. There is no evidence of any bid on behalf of the national government.
The following is an exact word-for-word text of the original. Nothing has been changed or omitted except old English spelling and punctuation.
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Friends, And Fellow Citizens
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions, with which, I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so: for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourself to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal Laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by lend and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures athome. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissolublecommunity of interest as one Nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign Nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the UNION as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment.With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantaged on the UNION by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the illconcerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypotheses and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypotheses and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some ofthem in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
'Tissubstantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of nations has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions: by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.
But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.
PJ 223CHAPTER 6
REC #1 HATONN
SUN., JAN. 18, 1998 8:21 A.M. YR. 11, DAY 155
SUN., JAN. 18. 1998
Before we dive off into another marathon writing, I need to express my appreciation for service above and beyond anything we could expect and much the less, produced in such a loving and magnificent way.
I asked that this very touchy material be gotten forth and into the hands of the public as quickly as possible, and working around the clock we have gotten some of the most IMPORTANT background information on Antichrist into your hands.
I have been petitioned to keep the papers smaller (the staff tries to put to press ALL of my writings as they come forth) so that financially we can perhaps stay in print longer and not overload you the readers. NO, I will not stop or slow the writings although neither I, nor my scribe, have anything to do with the paper.
This information goes directly to the Rise of Antichrist, the reign of Antichrist, and before we are done, it will cover the fall of Antichrist.
This is the most IMPORTANT information ever on your globe. It has been changed, buried, killed over, and used as a manipulation to allow "the LIE" to become your very breath of living death.
Can YOU keep up? That is not MY PROBLEM! You who want Truth will keep up and the ones who just want input to make a bit more money or a bit more insight to prophecy and doom will just have to glean what you can, however you wish to handle information flowing past your senses.
I note that we have several at great distance, and I mean GREAT distance, who have been receiving all of this on e-mail, fax or phone. They are IN the hotbeds of ongoing terror and not only do they keep up--they send us daily responses with backup information.
You have to end up in every instance DISCERNING the MAN and JUDGING the outcome of actions or the actions themselves. There will always be lies dumped on you AS LONG AS YOU ACCEPT THEM AND GO ON WITH YOUR SEARCHING. THE INTENT IS TO CONFUSE YOU WITH "NEW" STUFF ENOUGH TO BURY YOU IN CHAOS. THEN, WHEN YOU THINK YOU HAVE FOUND TRUTH, YOU WILL ALSO FIND THE SIGN OF THE EVIL INPUTTER. All YES, EVEN IN SUCH AS THE KEYS OF ENOCH AND THROUGH THE WORKS OF BROTHER PHILIP. AND ALWAYS THERE ARE STORIES REGARDING THESE VERY BOOKS AND THE HOLDERS OF SAME. DO THEY WANT TRUTH TO THE WORLD OR NOT? YOU WILL FIND THEY WANT THE FULL ATTENTION AND MONEY FROM THE BOOKS AT ALL COSTS OF SERVING HUMANITY.
What mean I? Well, we have been asked as in tidal waves of inquiries about these very sectarian books. We found that Brother Philip is NOT "Philip" at all. The "Person" filling that role as pen-name is not "Philip". SECRET OF THE ANDES, as will shortly be referred to, was put to paper mostly of evenings while the writer was quite unable to realize up from down. There was great trouble in the group over this particular man's misbehavior. Ah, but the fun came when this book was presented as a gift to us from Sister Thedra, God rest her soul. She had been WITH the author of that book and related all sorts of interesting tales about the journeys and "Mystery" schools which were SO MYSTERIOUS that they did not exist AT ALL.
With that bit of information in mind, let me say that I chose to use a few passages from the book as reference as the correspondent has done here in this letter which I will share--and immediately from the adversary bunch of servants to the downfall of Man, came the cry of "Dharma's books are simply plagiarisms". What are historical records as handed down, readers? We always give full credit to all researchers and authors. Could it be that most of the information presented is purely BS and the books are written to make money off you searching beings? YOU BET YOUR BOTTOM NICKLE!
Many of you have asked why we don't advertise, why we don't push our books, our paper, ourselves. GOD'S INFORMATION IS FREE, READERS, SO WHEN THERE IS PRESENTATION WE ONLY WISH TO BE ABLE TO STAY IN PRINT UNTIL FUNDS COME FROM OTHER RESOURCES. IT WILL! WE HAVE NEVER CEASED TO FOLLOW EVERY LEAD OFFERED FOR THAT RESULT AND, AGAIN, MY TEAM WORKS DAY AND NIGHT TO MAKE SURE THAT VERY FLOW HAPPENS. WE DO HAVE TO HAVE EXPENSES MET OR WE CAN'T PRINT ANYTHING. BUT EVEN WHEN WE CANNOT PRINT ANYTHING--WE STAY PREPARED AND WRITE AND WRITE AND WRITE UNTIL THE FINGERS ARE NUMB--AGAINST THE DAY IT CAN FREELY FLOW. ONCE TO PAPER, PRINTER AND COMPUTER, SCATTERED AND SHELTERED BY YOU THE SMALL CREW--IT CAN NEVER AGAIN "NOT BE". There are some 70 journals waiting with everything ready to ship to press. We will leave those sitting if necessary and this recent series will be placed in front immediately. If our monitors and assemblers take note, I would think the first two are full as you set up the journals. There were several lengthy writings prefacing these very pointed and dangerous printings. With the additional information I have asked to be accompanying the writings I do, I also want Sananda's writings included along with any other pertinent references from our compatriots. I do NOT want just every item we might reference placed in THESE journals of this series.
I repeat: THESE WILL BE THE MOST IMPORTANT BOOKS EVER TO GRACE YOUR GLOBE ABOUT THIS TIME IN HISTORY OF HUMAN EXPERIENCE HERE. Historical TRUTH has been buried, burned and kept from you to better fool you people ALL THE TIME. When scholars recognize the lies and the game plan--they are murdered. No, I suggest that no matter how big that paper or overwhelming these journals may seem to your senses--STUDY THEM CAREFULLY--THEY ARE YOUR TICKET.
I will remind you, however: we give no thought or care to anyone either against us, denouncing us, shouting and yelling about "their" "anything"--period. They may do and judge ANY THING OR ANY WAY THEY CHOOSE. THEY are not our business nor focus, for before the end arrives, THEY WILL ALL BE GONE!
You nice people watching Paula Jones and Billy Boy in the news yesterday had better have not missed the IMPORTANT message from Iraq. Saddam announced that there will be a Jihad (Holy War), already structured and participants at ready, if sanctions against Iraq are not lifted. Yes indeed, it will also include such as Libya, whom you have tried to starve and destroy, and all those nice Arab, Moslem, Islamic nations. THE WAR IN CONFRONTATION IS AT YOUR DOOR.
Are the enemies of the enemy better or worse? Well, that is not my business for either or both "sides" will move in bloodshed, anti-Christ ways of inhumane tramplings, and go just as far as they can go in HATE. And, NO, God will not stop it, for all mankind has freedom of will and choice. All we will do, AT THIS TIME, is serve and offer information to you who want TRUTH.
Do you actually think that all those "Christians" who have bought into the LIE will give up such as a free RAPTURE in exchange for "believing" on the murdered BLOOD of a person, real or conjured, to deceive them? Who will be left, do you suppose?
My goodness, you guys keep leaving out the biggest player of all: ASIA! Are the Mongols going, for instance, to be civil and hug you to pieces? No, but they will be happy, in war, to butcher you to pieces. You see, what religions do is LEAVE GOD OUT OF THE FACT IN ORDER THAT CONTROLLERS CAN "GETCHA". BUT GOD IS PATIENT AND YOU MAKE THE GAME SO INTERESTING TO WATCH AS YOU HUFF, PUFF, KILL AND MAIM (EVEN YOUR OWN) LIKE ANTS OVER A DEAD BUG. SO, WHO WILL BE LEFT? GOD'S REMNANT, HIS TRUTH BEARERS AND BRINGERS, AND THOSE WHO MUST KEEP THE RECORDS AND HELP BUILD AFTER THE ENCOUNTERS OF ONE FACTION AGAINST ANOTHER. MAN WILL ACTUALLY DESTROY HIS WHOLE ENVIRONMENT AND HIMSELF IN THE CAUSE OF WHAT?--LIES!
One topic offered has brought a worthy response from South Africa and it references Eli, Eli. People here had to all admit they had never heard of this "chant", so well kept is the "meaning", and without the tune the whole escapes notice.
I will refrain from revealing our information sender so we will refer to the party as SA for South Africa:
[QUOTING LETTER:]
Response from SA:
IS GCH TELLINGThere is nothing new under the "SUN" but--it is never boring as we look at it from all the different webbed projections. God experiences Himself through the angle and perspective of everyone and everything like a I-10D hologram. He never gets tired of himself, especially if there's free will at play! (my 'doing-nojustice' perception) but there are always new revelations to a misperception, i.e., The Dr. Jim Hurtak (A Jew) KEYS OF ENOCH factor. One of the many audio tapes sold at his seminars is called Eli, Eli, Lamina A 'Sabachthani. Now, in the book SECRET OF THE ANDES by Brother Philip, Archangel Gabriel has this to say:
ANYTHING NEW TO YOU?
(quote)
They do not mean what is written. "Father, Father, why has thou forsaken me?" Why should the Master, who vowed constantly the Aton -- The One God -- why should He in desperation finally doubt the Father and say, "Why bast thou forsaken me?" These are words of cowards, of those who have not fulfilled their mission, not words of The Christ. These have been misinterpreted, for they are not in the Aramaic language of the time. They are in the most ancient Solar or Mother Tongue which, of course, the Master would revert to at that time. The words are not "sabachthani"; they are spelled with a "Z" -"zbacthani": z-b-a-c-t-h-a-n-i. "Eli, Eli, lama zbacthani" means: "Those who defame me shall keep open my wounds" -- "those who defame me shall keep open my wounds." "Eli, Eli, lama zbacthani." "Father, unto thee I commend my spirit: it is finished." The great war machines of the world are now massing together. In the Holy Land we see the beginning of the end for the Earth. Once again Egypt and Israel. Is it not significant? And it shall grow and grow. [H: And it HAS grown and grown!] The greatest battle that has ever been seen shall take place, not only amongst the elements. The Earth itself shall find a battlefield. The forces of Nature shall be unleashed because of man's wrong thinking and doing, as he has worshipped in word and not in deed, and has not served the master. (end quote)
[END OF LETTER QUOTING]
I suggest that you who don't REALLY know the importance of such an entity as Archangel Gabriel get yourselves busy--in the Phoenix Journals--never mind that Bible. But I will assure that Gabriel will be among the decision-makers as to the longevity of your species in that "time shortening" sequence of events. When he toots his horn three times, and the first is already come and gone a decade ago, the second is now blowing loudly, and in the night when things are quiet--YOU SHALL BE GIVEN TO HEAR IT, and once you hear it you will KNOW because there is NO SOUND LIKE IT ON EARTH. When the call is issued again, the play will be on final run and mankind will have entered his choices in the BOOK OF LIFE. WHERE WILL YOUR IDENTIFICATION OF SOUL BE FOUND?
Dharma, may we please continue on our topic.
Already I am being barraged with questions about who wrote these notations. I would refer you back to the first writings--Victor E. Marsden.
BIRTHING THE PHOENIXEXPLANATORY NOTES RELATIVE[QUOTING, Part 12:]
TO THE PROTOCOLS OF ZION
Chapter IIIMORE ATTEMPTS AT REFUTATIONWhile the Jews have succeeded in having the Protocols suppressed, entirely in Russia, Poland, Rumania, and other countries in Eastern Europe, and partially in England and America, they have failed in their many ingenious efforts to have them refuted by non-Jews. Indeed the so-called refutations with which their henchmen flooded the press in 1920-21 reveal more of the real nature, workings, and associations of the Jews and their agents than they rebut the evidence of the Protocols.
THE LONDON TIMES LENDS A HAND
It is noteworthy that not one of these numerous and contradictory refutations bears an honest, non-Jewish signature. There is the article of the notorious Princess Radzivill published in the Jewish Tribune (New York) for March 11, 1921, and followed by a statement by her friend, Mrs. Hurlbut. Princess Catherine Radzivill was convicted of forgery in London on April 30, 1902, the amount involved being 3,000 Pounds, and was sentenced to two years in prison (London Times, April 16, 29, and May 1, 1902). On October 13, 1921, suit was filed against her by the Hotel Embassy, New York, for failure to pay her bill of $1,239, and on October 30 she was arrested on the instance of the Hotel Shelbourne, New York, on a charge of defrauding the hotel of $352. (New York World, Oct. 14 and 31, 1921). Later, she went to live with her friend Mrs. Hurlbut at 506 West 124th Street, New York.
The former makes no mention of Mlle. Glinka and describes the forgery of the Protocols by "Golovinskii and a renegade Jew, Manassevich Manuilov, in Paris in 1904". She was one of the Russian Liberals in Paris in 1884 who furnished Mme. Juliette Adam with details of Russian court life. She has since claimed the authorship of the books by "Count Vassilii", really written by Mme. Adam. Further on, oblivious of chronology, she states that General Cherevin willed her his memoirs, including the Protocols, at the time of his death in 1896. Golovinskii and Manuilov might, it would seem, have saved themselves trouble by procuring a copy of the document, which, according to Mr. Stephanov's testimony, had been printed and privately circulated in 1897.
Another person who wrote against the Protocols, A. du Chayla, can hardly be taken more seriously. An article of his appeared on May 14, 1921, in the Tribune Juive of Paris; and later, another article on June 13 in the New York Call, a violent Communist sheet, besides articles in Soviet publications. Prof. Nilus mentions in one of his books, entitled On the Bank of the River of God, meeting this Frenchman, who then paraded as a devotee of the Russian Orthodox Church. The character of this adventurer is well drawn in the reply his articles drew from a Russian lady, Madame Fermor, which is given in full.
"Lately there appeared in the Russian paper Poslednii Novosti, Nos. 331-332, a series of articles by Count Alexander du Chayla, in which he casts doubt on the authenticity of a certain document (The Protocols of the Elders of Zion), because obtained by a man who did not inspire confidence.
If the value of a document be based on the credit of the person by whom it is produced, one must also analyze the character of him who discredits it.
That is why I am prompted to narrate how I became acquainted with Count du Chayla.
I usually spent the summer on my estate in White Russia, in a village near Moguileff, where there is a famous convent. There, one day, about ten years ago, I was visited by the Superior, the Archmandrite Arsene, who introduced a young man, Count du Chayla. Du Chayla had been sent to the convent to study the Russian language and the orthodox religion of which he pretended to be a devotee.
Mr. Sabler had invited him to come to Russia and sent him to the celebrated monastery of Optina Poustine, whence he was sent to our monastery to serve as an example of anti-Catholic propaganda. Sabler was procurator of the Holy Synod at St. Petersburg: he supported Rasputin and other pseudo-mystics and had a disastrous influence on the Russian church, (Cf. Paleologue, Memorires, 1927).
It must be admitted that he lived up to his character and showed himself more of a Russian Orthodox than the patriarch himself. Thanks to his zeal, beautifully sculptured angels in the Renaissance style were removed from the chapel of our monastery: du Chayla found them too Catholic. He told me the great joy he felt when he smashed these angels with a hammer. When I reproached him with an act of vandalism, his intolerance betrayed itself in the hatred which he then manifested against the Jews. Many a time I heard him say: "One must have a good pogrom in Russia." One can understand my astonishment when I read in his articles a false accusation of propaganda for pogroms against the White army, which he now blames, he, who so loudly proclaimed that pogroms were a necessity! It is from him that I heard of the existence of Drumont's books which he praised eloquently; he used to advise me to read them that I might understand to what extent the Jews had conquered France. He used to predict that the same fate would overtake Russia, if ever the Jews were granted full civil rights.
Great was my surprise when I read du Chayla's attack on Drumont, whose books he now calls lies. He, who had so much admired Drumont.
As I followed du Chayla's life in Russia, I was amazed to see the extraordinary rapidity of his political and ecclesiastical career. He became an intimate friend of the Bishops known for their Orthodoxy, and he preached the sacred and absolute power of the Russian Monarch and implacable hatred towards all foreigners. We saw du Chayla as an intimate friend of the Bishops Anthony, of Volinia and Evlogii of Holm, frequent the famous salon of Countess Ignatieff. As he rose in Russian society, his activities shifted from the religious field; he took up politics, and, as a follower of Count Bobrinsky, leader of the pan-Slavic Party, he was sent to Austria on a secret mission among the Galicians. He was subsequently arrested for espionage.
After his return to Russia, he directed a violent campaign against the smaller racial groups of the empire, especially against the Poles and Finns. As du Chayla was always in need of money, I recommended him to the president of the commission for the affairs of Finland, Mr. Korevo, who used him for anti-Finish propaganda in the foreign press. At the time of the declaration of war, du Chayla was a student in the theological academy of Petrograd; he was appointed chief of a field hospital organized by Bishop Pitirim and provided with funds from Rasputin. Then I lost sight of him until after the revolution, when I heard of him as an agent provocateur, inciting the Cossacks against the White Army. In 1919 du Chayla was tried by court martial and convicted of seditious activities in the pay of the Soviets. The sentence was published in the newspapers of the Crimea.
I was astonished to find his name appended to an article in a Russian newspaper notorious for its equivocal position concerning the reconstruction of Russia.
(Signed) Tatiana Fermor
June 9th, 1921, Paris
Not satisfied--and rightly so--with these efforts to discredit the Protocols, and yet unable to attach the signature of a noted gentile writer to their denials, the Jews sought another expedient: the seal of approval of one of the best known newspapers would impress the general public. Heretofore the articles had borne the name of private persons: now an official exposure of the Protocols was to be published over the signature of the "Correspondent of The London Times in Constantinople". The identity of the "correspondent" (Philip Graves), was not revealed although the most elementary sense of justice would insist on giving full credit to the gentleman who had made such a momentous discovery. Nor is there any evidence of his having been in Constantinople. Anyone who writes to the editor of a newspaper is a correspondent, and the number of lies which gain circulation in this fashion is notorious. The "sensational discovery" with The Times, August 16, 17, 18, 1921: reprint entitled, The Truth About The Protocols, 24 pages, is sold at the exorbitant price of one shilling, thus gave to its readers was that the Protocols were a "clumsy plagiarism" of a French book it calls The Dialogues of Geneva, published in Brussels in 1865.
The "correspondent" tells in an essay, off-hand manner and perfect self-assurance, about meeting in Constantinope a Mr. W., who said: "Read this book through and you will find irrefutable proof that the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion is a plagiarism."
So it wasn't the correspondent who deserved the credit for the "sensational discovery" after all; but a "Mr. X, a Russian landowner with English connections": Again, it is a pity that the gentleman should not have given his name and received the large reward which would surely be his, from those who have been so active in suppressing and refuting the Protocols.
Then follows the story of Mr. X, with his views on religion, politics, secret societies, and the rest: this Mr. X is an old-fashioned gentleman and the reader is ready to believe every word, as reported by "our correspondent". Mr. X explains how he obtained the copy of the Geneva Dialogues from an old Okhrana officer; this establishes the fact that the Russian police had made use of the book to forge the Protocols. In fact the "correspondent" goes on to identify this very copy of the Geneva Dialogues as belonging to A. Sukhotin--there is an "A.S." scratched in the back which is conclusive--and from which the Protocols were "plagiarized" and given to Nilus. Parallel passages from the Dialogues and the Protocols are set opposite each other; and the English reader, never at home in Continental politics, is led into speculations on Napoleon III's relations with the Carbonari, his employment of Corsicans in the police, the employment of Corsicans by the Russian police, the knowledge Corsicans had of the existence of the Geneva Dialogues, Joly's purpose in writing them, the influence of Philippe, a Lyons mystic, on the Tsar, and so on, until the reader is completely overwhelmed. When he has reached this state, he is told: "At any rate, the fact of the plagiarism has now been conclusively established, and the legend (of the Protocols) may be allowed to pass into oblivion."
[H: I think this is a good place to insert information regarding the accusations that Dharma plagiarized material from such as Walter Russell and the University of Science and Philosophy. That case in point was brought against George Green and America West Publishers and Distributors and not "Dharma". The facts continue: THERE NEVER WAS A TRIAL NOR A DECISION MADE. THE CHARGES AGAINST DHARMA WERE OF "CONTEMPT OF COURT". THE ACTUAL MATERIAL IN THE CLAIM WAS NEVER LITIGATED NOR ANY TRIAL EVER BROUGHT BEFORE JURORS. THE JUDGE, ON FABRICATED EVIDENCE, ADJUDGED CONTEMPT AND PROMISED TO TOSS "DHARMA" INTO PRISON IF SHE USED ANY REFERENCES TO THAT MATERIAL AGAIN. BELIEVE ME WHEN I SAY THAT OUR ANTAGONISTS AND ADVERSARIES KEEP CLOSE WATCH ON EVERY WORD WE WRITE. YOU WOULD THINK THE TRUTH WOULD RUB OFF ON, AT THE LEAST, THE READERS, BUT APPARENTLY THIS IS NOT SO--SO GUESS WHO THEY ARE?
The information used was scientific in origin and supposedly public domain. However, full credit was given to the author who was unknown to Dharma--and to Green. Green, however, was a traveling seminar-giver with the head of the University in point and seemed to know what he was doing while failing to get permits, etc. It came to light later that Green had stolen some $400,000 in gold coins from the Institute intended for Dharma to be able to continue this very type of work as offered here. No, it has not been a journey free of hardship and false leaders and teachers. The bastard children always, however, show their colors before they finish their evil games and so, too, have these people in each instance.]
The publication of this news from Constantinople was hailed by all the Jews, whose instant enthusiasm is no less revealing than the following letter from a leading Zionist, which appeared in The Times on the same day as the "discovery".
"Editor, London Times.
Sir,
Your Constantinople correspondent, who has done a world service in tracking to their source the Protocols (for they have been carefully published throughout the world), says: "There is no evidence to show how the Geneva Dialogues reached Russia." In your leading article, however, you suggest that the protocols were forged under the auspices of Rachkovskii, head of the Russian secret police in Paris. This appears to be the truth. M. A. du Chayla, a French student of theology at St. Petersburg in 1910, who was in 1918 on the staff of the army of the Cossacks of the Don, had testified through the Tribune Juive (Paris, May 14, 1921) that Nilus told him that the protocols were sent him from Paris by his friend, Mme. K---, who had received them from General Rachkovskii. M. du Chayla confirms a suggestion of yours, that the courier who brought the ms. from Paris was Alexander Sukhotin. He has seen this very ms., which, being in poor French and varying penmanship, suggests a complex authorship in the Russian police bureau. The fact that the Geneva Dialogues have now been bought from an ex-member of it, completes the chain.
That the object of the publication of 1905 was to drown the Russian revolution in Jewish blood, I, like you, have asserted. But it appears that there was a previous edition in 1902 in the shape of an appendix to the reprint of a pietistic work by Nilus, and the motive behind this earlier publication throws another curious sidelight upon the old Russian court. For that publication was apparently a move in the game to discredit in favor of Nilus a Lyons mystic, Philippe, of whose power over the Tsar the Grand Duchess Elizabeth disapproved. Knowing that Nilus was designed as Philippe's supplanter, Rachkovskii, it is thought, wished to secure his good graces by providing him with a valuable weapon against Russian liberalism.
I am sorry that your correspondent should conclude with the suggestion that those parts of the Protocols not in the Geneva Dialogues may possibly have been supplied by Jews who spied on their co-religionists; for this far-fetched hypothesis gives a gleam of hope to the considerable number of organs throughout Europe that live only in the Protocols. Now is your correspondent accurate in thinking that only moral harm has been done by this historic forgery? M. du Chayla offers evidence that it has helped to goad on those countless pogroms in the Ukraine, of whose horrors Western Europe is almost ignorant. As for Nilus, he appears to be a fanatical mytagogue, honest enough except for that theological twist which betrayed itself when, confronted by the suspicion that the Protocols were forged, he replied: "Even if they were, God who could speak through Balsam's ass, could also put the truth in a liar's mouth."
Yours, gratefully,
Israel Zangwill
Far End, East Preston, Sussex, August 18, 1921."
[H: I am continually amused at such prattlings for it is KNOWN FACT that all the persons taking over the Russian, later Soviet, machine were ALL JEWS. They each even changed their names so that the Jewish lineage would be overlooked. These were the very people who established COMMUNISM and set forth the worst regime ever thus far thrust on mankind upon a "Christian" Russia. They destroyed the "crown" and demanded that Communism be the rule of the day. Have all of you already forgotten such as Stalin (a Jew) and the Republic of Soviet Russia established by the bastards from HELL? What is the matter with your brains, perfect creations of God? He created you in perfection and you have worked ever since at total destruction of that incredible gift of reason and Truth. So be it and Selah-for it has come upon you, this beast in camouflage of the Prince of Peace, and you shall reap the reward of your refusal to see or hear. And, I might suggest that this destruction will be heaped upon you in this generation, this current generation of elders. What of your offspring? What you have planted, as the sower, shall be brought upon your offspring for they know no better than as YOU HAVE TAUGHT THEM--THE LIES.]
