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제목: PJ#223, BIRTHING THE PHOENIX VOL. 2

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    Default 응답: PJ#223, BIRTHING THE PHOENIX VOL. 2

    PJ 223
    CHAPTER 5
    GEORGE WASHINGTON
    UNITED STATES, 17TH SEPTEMBER 1796

    Editor's note: The following complete version of Washington's Farewell Address has been extracted from the Internet, as Commander Hatonn requested for inclusion with the subject material of this week's CONTACT.

    This address was written primarily to eliminate himself as a candidate for a third term. It was never read by the President in public, but it was printed in Claypoole's AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER, Philadelphia, September 19, 1796. The address is in two parts: In the first, Washington declines a third term, gives his reasons, and acknowledges a debt of gratitude for the honors conferred upon him and for the confident support of the people. In the second, more important part, he presents, as a re­sult of his experience and as a last legacy of advice, thoughts upon the government.

    George Washington gave Claypoole a manuscript which he called "his copy" and it was from this manuscript that the type was set in the newspaper, After Claypoole's death, the manuscript was ordered to be sold at auction on February 12, 1850. Senator Henry Clay on January 24 offered a joint resolu­tion for its purchase by the government, but the resolution was not signed by President Taylor until the day of the sale. The manuscript was sold to James Lenox for $2,300, and passed, with his library, to the New York Public Library. There is no evidence of any bid on behalf of the national government.

    The following is an exact word-for-word text of the original. Nothing has been changed or omitted except old English spelling and punctuation.

    * * *
    Friends, And Fellow Citizens

    The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the ex­ecutive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be em­ployed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to de­cline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

    I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influ­enced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no defi­ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am sup­ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

    The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last elec­tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

    I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as in­ternal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

    The impressions, with which, I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, con­tributed towards the organization and administration of the gov­ernment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admon­ishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as neces­sary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, if any circum­stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

    In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to ter­minate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser­vices faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfre­quently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the ef­forts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution which is the work of your hands, may be sa­credly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of lib­erty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

    Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to rec­ommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

    Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which con­stitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so: for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the convic­tion of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and in­sidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; accustom­ing yourself to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

    For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that coun­try has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of com­mon dangers, sufferings, and successes.

    But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

    The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, pro­tected by the equal Laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of man­ufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefit­ting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigo­rated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of inte­rior communications, by lend and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures athome. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own pro­ductions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indis­solublecommunity of interest as one Nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsi­cally precarious.

    While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign Nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the ne­cessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, un­der any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be consid­ered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

    These considerations speak a persuasive language to every re­flecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the UNION as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern­ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment.With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstated its impracticability, there will always be reason to dis­trust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

    In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the ex­pedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis­sissippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which se­cure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our for­eign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantaged on the UNION by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

    To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must in­evitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this mo­mentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious man­agement of your common concerns. This government, the off­spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup­port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui­escence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

    All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular de­liberation and action of the constituted authorities are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the illconcerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by com­mon councils, and modified by mutual interests.

    However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

    Towards the preservation of your Government and the per­manency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its ac­knowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypotheses and opinion, ex­poses to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothe­ses and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so exten­sive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty it­self will find in such a Government, with powers properly dis­tributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to with­stand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

    I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo­graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehen­sive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

    This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, hav­ing its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It ex­ists under different shapes in all governments, more or less sti­fled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

    The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disor­ders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an in­dividual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing fac­tion, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

    Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

    It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and will of another.

    There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patri­otism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in gov­ernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there be­ing constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

    It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its ad­ministration, to confine themselves within their respective con­stitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach­ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of recip­rocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some ofthem in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one in­stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The prece­dent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

    Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros­perity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with pri­vate and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of re­ligious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution in­dulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in ex­clusion of religious principle.

    'Tissubstantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon at­tempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

    Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is es­sential that public opinion should be enlightened.

    As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar­ingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to pre­pare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practi­cally bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining rev­enue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

    Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted jus­tice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tem­porary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

    In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards an­other an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some de­gree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, ei­ther of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when ac­cidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The na­tion, prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propen­sity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sin­ister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes per­haps the Liberty, of nations has been the victim.

    So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a partici­pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt dou­bly to injure the nation making the concessions: by unnecessar­ily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by ex­citing jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par­ties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them­selves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opin­ion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish com­pliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

    As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such at­tachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public coun­cils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.

    But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it be­comes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in­stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one for­eign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patri­ots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to be­come suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their inter­ests.

    The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as lit­tle political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

    Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pur­sue a different course. If we remain one people, under an effi­cient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, in­terest, humor, or caprice?

    ‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of pa­tronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it therefore, let those engage­ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

    Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish­ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

    Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the nat­ural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de­fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinter­ested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

    In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from run­ning the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of na­tions. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be produc­tive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.

    How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con­science is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

    In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continu­ally governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or di­vert me from it.

    After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

    The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

    The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

    The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and con­sistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

    Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

    Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for sev­eral generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that re­treat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citi­zens, the benign influence of good laws under a free govern­ment, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy re­ward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.

    PJ 223
    CHAPTER 6

    REC #1 HATONN

    SUN., JAN. 18, 1998 8:21 A.M. YR. 11, DAY 155

    SUN., JAN. 18. 1998

    Before we dive off into another marathon writing, I need to ex­press my appreciation for service above and beyond anything we could expect and much the less, produced in such a loving and magnificent way.

    I asked that this very touchy material be gotten forth and into the hands of the public as quickly as possible, and working around the clock we have gotten some of the most IMPORTANT back­ground information on Antichrist into your hands.

    I have been petitioned to keep the papers smaller (the staff tries to put to press ALL of my writings as they come forth) so that financially we can perhaps stay in print longer and not overload you the readers. NO, I will not stop or slow the writings al­though neither I, nor my scribe, have anything to do with the paper.

    This information goes directly to the Rise of Antichrist, the reign of Antichrist, and before we are done, it will cover the fall of Antichrist.

    This is the most IMPORTANT information ever on your globe. It has been changed, buried, killed over, and used as a manipu­lation to allow "the LIE" to become your very breath of living death.

    Can YOU keep up? That is not MY PROBLEM! You who want Truth will keep up and the ones who just want input to make a bit more money or a bit more insight to prophecy and doom will just have to glean what you can, however you wish to handle information flowing past your senses.

    I note that we have several at great distance, and I mean GREAT distance, who have been receiving all of this on e-mail, fax or phone. They are IN the hotbeds of ongoing terror and not only do they keep up--they send us daily responses with backup information.

    You have to end up in every instance DISCERNING the MAN and JUDGING the outcome of actions or the actions themselves. There will always be lies dumped on you AS LONG AS YOU ACCEPT THEM AND GO ON WITH YOUR SEARCHING. THE INTENT IS TO CONFUSE YOU WITH "NEW" STUFF ENOUGH TO BURY YOU IN CHAOS. THEN, WHEN YOU THINK YOU HAVE FOUND TRUTH, YOU WILL ALSO FIND THE SIGN OF THE EVIL INPUTTER. All YES, EVEN IN SUCH AS THE KEYS OF ENOCH AND THROUGH THE WORKS OF BROTHER PHILIP. AND ALWAYS THERE ARE STORIES REGARDING THESE VERY BOOKS AND THE HOLDERS OF SAME. DO THEY WANT TRUTH TO THE WORLD OR NOT? YOU WILL FIND THEY WANT THE FULL ATTENTION AND MONEY FROM THE BOOKS AT ALL COSTS OF SERVING HUMANITY.

    What mean I? Well, we have been asked as in tidal waves of inquiries about these very sectarian books. We found that Brother Philip is NOT "Philip" at all. The "Person" filling that role as pen-name is not "Philip". SECRET OF THE ANDES, as will shortly be referred to, was put to paper mostly of evenings while the writer was quite unable to realize up from down. There was great trouble in the group over this particular man's misbehavior. Ah, but the fun came when this book was pre­sented as a gift to us from Sister Thedra, God rest her soul. She had been WITH the author of that book and related all sorts of interesting tales about the journeys and "Mystery" schools which were SO MYSTERIOUS that they did not exist AT ALL.

    With that bit of information in mind, let me say that I chose to use a few passages from the book as reference as the correspon­dent has done here in this letter which I will share--and immedi­ately from the adversary bunch of servants to the downfall of Man, came the cry of "Dharma's books are simply plagiarisms". What are historical records as handed down, readers? We always give full credit to all researchers and authors. Could it be that most of the information presented is purely BS and the books are written to make money off you searching beings? YOU BET YOUR BOTTOM NICKLE!

    Many of you have asked why we don't advertise, why we don't push our books, our paper, ourselves. GOD'S INFORMA­TION IS FREE, READERS, SO WHEN THERE IS PRESEN­TATION WE ONLY WISH TO BE ABLE TO STAY IN PRINT UNTIL FUNDS COME FROM OTHER RESOURCES. IT WILL! WE HAVE NEVER CEASED TO FOLLOW EV­ERY LEAD OFFERED FOR THAT RESULT AND, AGAIN, MY TEAM WORKS DAY AND NIGHT TO MAKE SURE THAT VERY FLOW HAPPENS. WE DO HAVE TO HAVE EXPENSES MET OR WE CAN'T PRINT ANYTHING. BUT EVEN WHEN WE CANNOT PRINT ANYTHING--WE STAY PREPARED AND WRITE AND WRITE AND WRITE UNTIL THE FINGERS ARE NUMB--AGAINST THE DAY IT CAN FREELY FLOW. ONCE TO PAPER, PRINTER AND COM­PUTER, SCATTERED AND SHELTERED BY YOU THE SMALL CREW--IT CAN NEVER AGAIN "NOT BE". There are some 70 journals waiting with everything ready to ship to press. We will leave those sitting if necessary and this recent series will be placed in front immediately. If our monitors and assemblers take note, I would think the first two are full as you set up the journals. There were several lengthy writings pref­acing these very pointed and dangerous printings. With the ad­ditional information I have asked to be accompanying the writ­ings I do, I also want Sananda's writings included along with any other pertinent references from our compatriots. I do NOT want just every item we might reference placed in THESE jour­nals of this series.

    I repeat: THESE WILL BE THE MOST IMPORTANT BOOKS EVER TO GRACE YOUR GLOBE ABOUT THIS TIME IN HISTORY OF HUMAN EXPERIENCE HERE. Historical TRUTH has been buried, burned and kept from you to better fool you people ALL THE TIME. When scholars recognize the lies and the game plan--they are murdered. No, I suggest that no matter how big that paper or overwhelming these journals may seem to your senses--STUDY THEM CAREFULLY--THEY ARE YOUR TICKET.

    I will remind you, however: we give no thought or care to any­one either against us, denouncing us, shouting and yelling about "their" "anything"--period. They may do and judge ANY THING OR ANY WAY THEY CHOOSE. THEY are not our business nor focus, for before the end arrives, THEY WILL ALL BE GONE!

    You nice people watching Paula Jones and Billy Boy in the news yesterday had better have not missed the IMPORTANT message from Iraq. Saddam announced that there will be a Jihad (Holy War), already structured and participants at ready, if sanctions against Iraq are not lifted. Yes indeed, it will also include such as Libya, whom you have tried to starve and destroy, and all those nice Arab, Moslem, Islamic nations. THE WAR IN CONFRONTATION IS AT YOUR DOOR.

    Are the enemies of the enemy better or worse? Well, that is not my business for either or both "sides" will move in bloodshed, anti-Christ ways of inhumane tramplings, and go just as far as they can go in HATE. And, NO, God will not stop it, for all mankind has freedom of will and choice. All we will do, AT THIS TIME, is serve and offer information to you who want TRUTH.

    Do you actually think that all those "Christians" who have bought into the LIE will give up such as a free RAPTURE in exchange for "believing" on the murdered BLOOD of a person, real or conjured, to deceive them? Who will be left, do you suppose?

    My goodness, you guys keep leaving out the biggest player of all: ASIA! Are the Mongols going, for instance, to be civil and hug you to pieces? No, but they will be happy, in war, to butcher you to pieces. You see, what religions do is LEAVE GOD OUT OF THE FACT IN ORDER THAT CON­TROLLERS CAN "GETCHA". BUT GOD IS PATIENT AND YOU MAKE THE GAME SO INTERESTING TO WATCH AS YOU HUFF, PUFF, KILL AND MAIM (EVEN YOUR OWN) LIKE ANTS OVER A DEAD BUG. SO, WHO WILL BE LEFT? GOD'S REMNANT, HIS TRUTH BEARERS AND BRINGERS, AND THOSE WHO MUST KEEP THE RECORDS AND HELP BUILD AFTER THE ENCOUNTERS OF ONE FACTION AGAINST ANOTHER. MAN WILL ACTUALLY DESTROY HIS WHOLE ENVIRONMENT AND HIMSELF IN THE CAUSE OF WHAT?--LIES!

    One topic offered has brought a worthy response from South Africa and it references Eli, Eli. People here had to all admit they had never heard of this "chant", so well kept is the "meaning", and without the tune the whole escapes notice.

    I will refrain from revealing our information sender so we will refer to the party as SA for South Africa:

    [QUOTING LETTER:]

    Response from SA:

    IS GCH TELLING
    ANYTHING NEW TO YOU?
    There is nothing new under the "SUN" but--it is never boring as we look at it from all the different webbed projections. God experiences Himself through the angle and perspective of every­one and everything like a I-10D hologram. He never gets tired of himself, especially if there's free will at play! (my 'doing-no­justice' perception) but there are always new revelations to a misperception, i.e., The Dr. Jim Hurtak (A Jew) KEYS OF ENOCH factor. One of the many audio tapes sold at his semi­nars is called Eli, Eli, Lamina A 'Sabachthani. Now, in the book SECRET OF THE ANDES by Brother Philip, Archangel Gabriel has this to say:

    (quote)

    They do not mean what is written. "Father, Father, why has thou forsaken me?" Why should the Master, who vowed con­stantly the Aton -- The One God -- why should He in despera­tion finally doubt the Father and say, "Why bast thou forsaken me?" These are words of cowards, of those who have not ful­filled their mission, not words of The Christ. These have been misinterpreted, for they are not in the Aramaic language of the time. They are in the most ancient Solar or Mother Tongue which, of course, the Master would revert to at that time. The words are not "sabachthani"; they are spelled with a "Z" -­"zbacthani": z-b-a-c-t-h-a-n-i. "Eli, Eli, lama zbacthani" means: "Those who defame me shall keep open my wounds" -- "those who defame me shall keep open my wounds." "Eli, Eli, lama zbacthani." "Father, unto thee I commend my spirit: it is fin­ished." The great war machines of the world are now massing together. In the Holy Land we see the beginning of the end for the Earth. Once again Egypt and Israel. Is it not significant? And it shall grow and grow. [H: And it HAS grown and grown!] The greatest battle that has ever been seen shall take place, not only amongst the elements. The Earth itself shall find a battlefield. The forces of Nature shall be unleashed because of man's wrong thinking and doing, as he has worshipped in word and not in deed, and has not served the master. (end quote)

    [END OF LETTER QUOTING]

    I suggest that you who don't REALLY know the importance of such an entity as Archangel Gabriel get yourselves busy--in the Phoenix Journals--never mind that Bible. But I will assure that Gabriel will be among the decision-makers as to the longevity of your species in that "time shortening" sequence of events. When he toots his horn three times, and the first is already come and gone a decade ago, the second is now blowing loudly, and in the night when things are quiet--YOU SHALL BE GIVEN TO HEAR IT, and once you hear it you will KNOW because there is NO SOUND LIKE IT ON EARTH. When the call is issued again, the play will be on final run and mankind will have entered his choices in the BOOK OF LIFE. WHERE WILL YOUR IDENTIFICATION OF SOUL BE FOUND?

    Dharma, may we please continue on our topic.

    Already I am being barraged with questions about who wrote these notations. I would refer you back to the first writings--Victor E. Marsden.

    BIRTHING THE PHOENIX
    EXPLANATORY NOTES RELATIVE
    TO THE PROTOCOLS OF ZION
    [QUOTING, Part 12:]

    Chapter III
    MORE ATTEMPTS AT REFUTATION
    THE LONDON TIMES LENDS A HAND
    While the Jews have succeeded in having the Protocols sup­pressed, entirely in Russia, Poland, Rumania, and other coun­tries in Eastern Europe, and partially in England and America, they have failed in their many ingenious efforts to have them re­futed by non-Jews. Indeed the so-called refutations with which their henchmen flooded the press in 1920-21 reveal more of the real nature, workings, and associations of the Jews and their agents than they rebut the evidence of the Protocols.
    It is noteworthy that not one of these numerous and contra­dictory refutations bears an honest, non-Jewish signature. There is the article of the notorious Princess Radzivill published in the Jewish Tribune (New York) for March 11, 1921, and followed by a statement by her friend, Mrs. Hurlbut. Princess Catherine Radzivill was convicted of forgery in London on April 30, 1902, the amount involved being 3,000 Pounds, and was sentenced to two years in prison (London Times, April 16, 29, and May 1, 1902). On October 13, 1921, suit was filed against her by the Hotel Embassy, New York, for failure to pay her bill of $1,239, and on October 30 she was arrested on the instance of the Hotel Shelbourne, New York, on a charge of de­frauding the hotel of $352. (New York World, Oct. 14 and 31, 1921). Later, she went to live with her friend Mrs. Hurlbut at 506 West 124th Street, New York.

    The former makes no mention of Mlle. Glinka and describes the forgery of the Protocols by "Golovinskii and a renegade Jew, Manassevich Manuilov, in Paris in 1904". She was one of the Russian Liberals in Paris in 1884 who furnished Mme. Juli­ette Adam with details of Russian court life. She has since claimed the authorship of the books by "Count Vassilii", really written by Mme. Adam. Further on, oblivious of chronology, she states that General Cherevin willed her his memoirs, in­cluding the Protocols, at the time of his death in 1896. Golovin­skii and Manuilov might, it would seem, have saved themselves trouble by procuring a copy of the document, which, according to Mr. Stephanov's testimony, had been printed and privately circulated in 1897.

    Another person who wrote against the Protocols, A. du Chayla, can hardly be taken more seriously. An article of his appeared on May 14, 1921, in the Tribune Juive of Paris; and later, another article on June 13 in the New York Call, a violent Communist sheet, besides articles in Soviet publications. Prof. Nilus mentions in one of his books, entitled On the Bank of the River of God, meeting this Frenchman, who then paraded as a devotee of the Russian Orthodox Church. The character of this adventurer is well drawn in the reply his articles drew from a Russian lady, Madame Fermor, which is given in full.

    "Lately there appeared in the Russian paper Poslednii Novosti, Nos. 331-332, a series of articles by Count Alexander du Chayla, in which he casts doubt on the authenticity of a cer­tain document (The Protocols of the Elders of Zion), because obtained by a man who did not inspire confidence.

    If the value of a document be based on the credit of the per­son by whom it is produced, one must also analyze the character of him who discredits it.

    That is why I am prompted to narrate how I became ac­quainted with Count du Chayla.

    I usually spent the summer on my estate in White Russia, in a village near Moguileff, where there is a famous convent. There, one day, about ten years ago, I was visited by the Supe­rior, the Archmandrite Arsene, who introduced a young man, Count du Chayla. Du Chayla had been sent to the convent to study the Russian language and the orthodox religion of which he pretended to be a devotee.

    Mr. Sabler had invited him to come to Russia and sent him to the celebrated monastery of Optina Poustine, whence he was sent to our monastery to serve as an example of anti-Catholic propaganda. Sabler was procurator of the Holy Synod at St. Petersburg: he supported Rasputin and other pseudo-mystics and had a disastrous influence on the Russian church, (Cf. Paleo­logue, Memorires, 1927).

    It must be admitted that he lived up to his character and showed himself more of a Russian Orthodox than the patriarch himself. Thanks to his zeal, beautifully sculptured angels in the Renaissance style were removed from the chapel of our monastery: du Chayla found them too Catholic. He told me the great joy he felt when he smashed these angels with a hammer. When I reproached him with an act of vandalism, his intolerance betrayed itself in the hatred which he then manifested against the Jews. Many a time I heard him say: "One must have a good pogrom in Russia." One can understand my astonishment when I read in his articles a false accusation of propaganda for pogroms against the White army, which he now blames, he, who so loudly proclaimed that pogroms were a necessity! It is from him that I heard of the existence of Drumont's books which he praised eloquently; he used to advise me to read them that I might understand to what extent the Jews had conquered France. He used to predict that the same fate would overtake Russia, if ever the Jews were granted full civil rights.

    Great was my surprise when I read du Chayla's attack on Drumont, whose books he now calls lies. He, who had so much admired Drumont.

    As I followed du Chayla's life in Russia, I was amazed to see the extraordinary rapidity of his political and ecclesiastical ca­reer. He became an intimate friend of the Bishops known for their Orthodoxy, and he preached the sacred and absolute power of the Russian Monarch and implacable hatred towards all for­eigners. We saw du Chayla as an intimate friend of the Bishops Anthony, of Volinia and Evlogii of Holm, frequent the famous salon of Countess Ignatieff. As he rose in Russian society, his activities shifted from the religious field; he took up politics, and, as a follower of Count Bobrinsky, leader of the pan-Slavic Party, he was sent to Austria on a secret mission among the Galicians. He was subsequently arrested for espionage.

    After his return to Russia, he directed a violent campaign against the smaller racial groups of the empire, especially against the Poles and Finns. As du Chayla was always in need of money, I recommended him to the president of the commis­sion for the affairs of Finland, Mr. Korevo, who used him for anti-Finish propaganda in the foreign press. At the time of the declaration of war, du Chayla was a student in the theological academy of Petrograd; he was appointed chief of a field hospital organized by Bishop Pitirim and provided with funds from Rasputin. Then I lost sight of him until after the revolution, when I heard of him as an agent provocateur, inciting the Cos­sacks against the White Army. In 1919 du Chayla was tried by court martial and convicted of seditious activities in the pay of the Soviets. The sentence was published in the newspapers of the Crimea.

    I was astonished to find his name appended to an article in a Russian newspaper notorious for its equivocal position concern­ing the reconstruction of Russia.

    (Signed) Tatiana Fermor
    June 9th, 1921, Paris

    Not satisfied--and rightly so--with these efforts to discredit the Protocols, and yet unable to attach the signature of a noted gentile writer to their denials, the Jews sought another expedient: the seal of approval of one of the best known newspapers would impress the general public. Heretofore the articles had borne the name of private persons: now an official exposure of the Protocols was to be published over the signature of the "Correspondent of The London Times in Constantinople". The identity of the "correspondent" (Philip Graves), was not re­vealed although the most elementary sense of justice would in­sist on giving full credit to the gentleman who had made such a momentous discovery. Nor is there any evidence of his having been in Constantinople. Anyone who writes to the editor of a newspaper is a correspondent, and the number of lies which gain circulation in this fashion is notorious. The "sensational discovery" with The Times, August 16, 17, 18, 1921: reprint entitled, The Truth About The Protocols, 24 pages, is sold at the exorbitant price of one shilling, thus gave to its readers was that the Protocols were a "clumsy plagiarism" of a French book it calls The Dialogues of Geneva, published in Brussels in 1865.

    The "correspondent" tells in an essay, off-hand manner and perfect self-assurance, about meeting in Constantinope a Mr. W., who said: "Read this book through and you will find ir­refutable proof that the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion is a plagiarism."

    So it wasn't the correspondent who deserved the credit for the "sensational discovery" after all; but a "Mr. X, a Russian landowner with English connections": Again, it is a pity that the gentleman should not have given his name and received the large reward which would surely be his, from those who have been so active in suppressing and refuting the Protocols.
    Then follows the story of Mr. X, with his views on religion, politics, secret societies, and the rest: this Mr. X is an old-fash­ioned gentleman and the reader is ready to believe every word, as reported by "our correspondent". Mr. X explains how he obtained the copy of the Geneva Dialogues from an old Okhrana officer; this establishes the fact that the Russian police had made use of the book to forge the Protocols. In fact the "correspondent" goes on to identify this very copy of the Geneva Dialogues as belonging to A. Sukhotin--there is an "A.S." scratched in the back which is conclusive--and from which the Protocols were "plagiarized" and given to Nilus. Parallel passages from the Dialogues and the Protocols are set opposite each other; and the English reader, never at home in Continental politics, is led into speculations on Napoleon III's relations with the Carbonari, his employment of Corsicans in the police, the employment of Corsicans by the Russian police, the knowledge Corsicans had of the existence of the Geneva Dia­logues, Joly's purpose in writing them, the influence of Philippe, a Lyons mystic, on the Tsar, and so on, until the reader is completely overwhelmed. When he has reached this state, he is told: "At any rate, the fact of the plagiarism has now been conclusively established, and the legend (of the Protocols) may be allowed to pass into oblivion."

    [H: I think this is a good place to insert information regard­ing the accusations that Dharma plagiarized material from such as Walter Russell and the University of Science and Philosophy. That case in point was brought against George Green and America West Publishers and Distributors and not "Dharma". The facts continue: THERE NEVER WAS A TRIAL NOR A DECISION MADE. THE CHARGES AGAINST DHARMA WERE OF "CONTEMPT OF COURT". THE ACTUAL MATERIAL IN THE CLAIM WAS NEVER LITIGATED NOR ANY TRIAL EVER BROUGHT BEFORE JURORS. THE JUDGE, ON FABRICATED EVIDENCE, ADJUDGED CONTEMPT AND PROMISED TO TOSS "DHARMA" INTO PRISON IF SHE USED ANY REFERENCES TO THAT MATERIAL AGAIN. BELIEVE ME WHEN I SAY THAT OUR ANTAGONISTS AND ADVERSARIES KEEP CLOSE WATCH ON EVERY WORD WE WRITE. YOU WOULD THINK THE TRUTH WOULD RUB OFF ON, AT THE LEAST, THE READERS, BUT APPARENTLY THIS IS NOT SO--SO GUESS WHO THEY ARE?
    The information used was scientific in origin and supposedly public domain. However, full credit was given to the author who was unknown to Dharma--and to Green. Green, how­ever, was a traveling seminar-giver with the head of the University in point and seemed to know what he was doing while failing to get permits, etc. It came to light later that Green had stolen some $400,000 in gold coins from the Institute in­tended for Dharma to be able to continue this very type of work as offered here. No, it has not been a journey free of hardship and false leaders and teachers. The bastard chil­dren always, however, show their colors before they finish their evil games and so, too, have these people in each in­stance.]

    The publication of this news from Constantinople was hailed by all the Jews, whose instant enthusiasm is no less revealing than the following letter from a leading Zionist, which appeared in The Times on the same day as the "discovery".

    "Editor, London Times.
    Sir,

    Your Constantinople correspondent, who has done a world service in tracking to their source the Protocols (for they have been carefully published throughout the world), says: "There is no evidence to show how the Geneva Dialogues reached Rus­sia." In your leading article, however, you suggest that the protocols were forged under the auspices of Rachkovskii, head of the Russian secret police in Paris. This appears to be the truth. M. A. du Chayla, a French student of theology at St. Petersburg in 1910, who was in 1918 on the staff of the army of the Cossacks of the Don, had testified through the Tribune Juive (Paris, May 14, 1921) that Nilus told him that the protocols were sent him from Paris by his friend, Mme. K---, who had re­ceived them from General Rachkovskii. M. du Chayla confirms a suggestion of yours, that the courier who brought the ms. from Paris was Alexander Sukhotin. He has seen this very ms., which, being in poor French and varying penmanship, suggests a complex authorship in the Russian police bureau. The fact that the Geneva Dialogues have now been bought from an ex-member of it, completes the chain.

    That the object of the publication of 1905 was to drown the Russian revolution in Jewish blood, I, like you, have asserted. But it appears that there was a previous edition in 1902 in the shape of an appendix to the reprint of a pietistic work by Nilus, and the motive behind this earlier publication throws another cu­rious sidelight upon the old Russian court. For that publication was apparently a move in the game to discredit in favor of Nilus a Lyons mystic, Philippe, of whose power over the Tsar the Grand Duchess Elizabeth disapproved. Knowing that Nilus was designed as Philippe's supplanter, Rachkovskii, it is thought, wished to secure his good graces by providing him with a valu­able weapon against Russian liberalism.

    I am sorry that your correspondent should conclude with the suggestion that those parts of the Protocols not in the Geneva Dialogues may possibly have been supplied by Jews who spied on their co-religionists; for this far-fetched hypothesis gives a gleam of hope to the considerable number of organs throughout Europe that live only in the Protocols. Now is your correspon­dent accurate in thinking that only moral harm has been done by this historic forgery? M. du Chayla offers evidence that it has helped to goad on those countless pogroms in the Ukraine, of whose horrors Western Europe is almost ignorant. As for Nilus, he appears to be a fanatical mytagogue, honest enough except for that theological twist which betrayed itself when, con­fronted by the suspicion that the Protocols were forged, he replied: "Even if they were, God who could speak through Bal­sam's ass, could also put the truth in a liar's mouth."

    Yours, gratefully,

    Israel Zangwill

    Far End, East Preston, Sussex, August 18, 1921."

    [H: I am continually amused at such prattlings for it is KNOWN FACT that all the persons taking over the Russian, later Soviet, machine were ALL JEWS. They each even changed their names so that the Jewish lineage would be overlooked. These were the very people who established COMMUNISM and set forth the worst regime ever thus far thrust on mankind upon a "Christian" Russia. They de­stroyed the "crown" and demanded that Communism be the rule of the day. Have all of you already forgotten such as Stalin (a Jew) and the Republic of Soviet Russia established by the bastards from HELL? What is the matter with your brains, perfect creations of God? He created you in perfec­tion and you have worked ever since at total destruction of that incredible gift of reason and Truth. So be it and Selah­-for it has come upon you, this beast in camouflage of the Prince of Peace, and you shall reap the reward of your re­fusal to see or hear. And, I might suggest that this destruc­tion will be heaped upon you in this generation, this current generation of elders. What of your offspring? What you have planted, as the sower, shall be brought upon your off­spring for they know no better than as YOU HAVE TAUGHT THEM--THE LIES.]


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    宇宙生命一家, 無次 Justice Future Society Institute wave's Avatar
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    Default 응답: PJ#223, BIRTHING THE PHOENIX VOL. 2

    PJ 223
    CHAPTER 7

    REC #2 HATONN

    SUN., JAN. 18, 1998 8:21 A.M. YR. 11, DAY 155

    SUN.. JAN, 18. 1998

    (Continuing Part 12
    Since then, to some extent, the Protocols have been forgot­ten. But, Audeatur et altera pars, in the words of Max Nordau. The Times "correspondent" would convince us that there arc similar or identical passages to be found in the Protocols and in the Dialogues; and this we readily admit. We go farther: identi­cal passages will be found in earlier Protocols which go back to the days before the dispersion.

    By way of illustration, let it be assumed that the Book of Common Prayer used in the Anglican Church were unknown to the Jews. Suppose, then, that a copy of it were secretly ob­tained by a certain Jew and published, and that the Jews were shocked by the Anglican doctrine of which they learned in this way for the first time. It would then be easy for another Jew to show that the Book of Common Prayer was a plagiarism: it con­tains passages copied, word for word, from the Gospels; the Psalms are a transcript from King James' Bible, and so on. And not only that, but there are many parallels to be found in the secular literature. "At any rate," one can imagine the second Jew saying at the end, "the fact of plagiarism has been conclu­sively established, and we may therefore affirm that no such Book of Common Prayer is used in the worship of the Church of England."

    The second Jew would be right in pointing out the parallels in the earlier literature--though his conclusion would be ridiculous--for there is a very real connection: and so it is with the Proto­cols.
    One might have thought that The Times, in its desire to pub­lish the truth about the Protocols, would at least have given the correct title of the Geneva Dialogues, it is, Dialogues aux En­fers entre Machiavelli et Montesquieu, published anonymously in Brussels in 1865. Moreover, a minute's search in a library catalogue shows that another book, bearing a similar title, was published some years earlier: namely, Machiavelli, Montesquieu & Rousseau, by Jacob Venedey, published by Franz Dunnicker in Berlin in 1850. The Times, with its interest in plagiarisms, might have been tempted to glance at this latter volume as also at The Prince by Machiavelli and L'Esprit des Lois by Mon­tesquieu. Had it done so, its curiosity would have been amply rewarded: passages quoted from the Protocols as plagiarized from the Dialogues of 1865, are similar to several in Venedey's book of 1850, and both Jacob Venedey and Maurice Joly should be branded as plagiarists. For example, the passage referring to Vishnu is found in Machiavelli, Montesquieu & Rousseau, in the Dialogues, and in Protocol 12.

    But the resemblance between the Protocols and Venedey's book does not stop with a few parallel passages: the spirit of both is the same; it is revolutionary, whereas the Dialogues of 1865 are socialistic and polemical. The anonymous author merely borrowed certain descriptive passages in Venedey to give color to his argument. Space does not allow us here to trace the links between Jacob Venedy the Alliance Israelite Uni­verselle, Adolphe Cremieux, Maurice Joly, and Jules Janin.

    Now hadn't The Times better discover a copy of Venedey belonging to a former Okhrana officer, so as to explain how the Russian secret police were able to plagiarize the spirit, as well as a few platitudes and descriptive bits, when forging the Proto­cols? Its correspondent in Peiping might make that discovery some day? No, the Peiping correspondent (or any other) will be very careful not to make that discovery, for the simple reason that Venedey was a Jew, whereas The Times' point is that the Jews had nothing to do with the drafting of the Protocols. Its argument is that the author of the Dialogues was a Corsican; that the Corsicans in the Paris Police preserved the Dialogues and gave a copy to the Corsican members of the Russian police, who used it to forge the Protocols: these insidious Corsicans! It is noteworthy that no Corsican has yet raised a voice in protest against the charges made in The Times. Yet it is the Corsicans who are the real victims of a libel, not the Jews. [H: How many of you even know who the Corsicans were? I thought not. Who won the 1997 Super Bowl?] But what of Venedey?

    Jacob Venedey, born in Cologne in May, 1805, was early engaged in revolutionary activities which caused his expulsion from Germany. He settled in Paris, where, in 1835, he edited a paper of subversive character, called Le Procrit. Driven from Paris by the police, he moved to Havre, until, thanks to the rep­resentations of Arago and Mignet, friends of Cremieux, he was allowed to return to the capital. Meanwhile his book, Roman­isme, Christianisme et Germanisme, won the praise of the French Academy. Venedey was a close friend and associate of Karl Marx. After spending the year 1843-44 in England, the headquarters of continental revolutionaries, he worked in Brus­sels for the founding, with Marx in 1847, of a secret organiza­tion, "The Communist League of Workers" (later the Societe International de la Democratie).

    After the February revolution in 1848, Venedey joined Marx in Germany, where he became one of the chiefs of the revolu­tionary Committee of Fifty (March, 1848), and was sent as commissar into the Oberland to stand against Hecker. Later elected as member of the Left from Hesse-Homburg, he contin­ued to serve on the Committee of Fifty. It was at this time that he brought out in Berlin his Machiavelli, Montesquieu & Rousseau, stressing the views attributed to Machiavelli and Rousseau in favor of despotism and oppression. Another case of plagiarism at work!

    When order was restored in Germany, Venedey was expelled from Berlin and Breslau. He was an active member of the Freemasons and affiliated with the Carbonari (Cf. Die Bauhutte, Feb. 1871, the date of Venedey's death); he was also closely as­sociated not only with revolutionaries of his day, but (as might be expected) with the leading Jews, the founders of the Alliance Israelite Universelle. The latter included men of as different political parties as the reactionary-imperialist Fould, the liberal-conservative Disraeli, and the communist-revolutionary Marx, and whether living under an empire, a constitutional monarchy, or a republic, all laboured towards a common aim, the estab­lishment of an international Jewish power. [H: Please don't lose sight of the fact that even these notations are done in 1920 or thereabouts. So, none of the things happening since then are included and boy, were there ever some biggies, such as the Great Depression, the Second World War (not to even mention the myriads of other wars) never proclaimed wars, and a total mind-control program put into action to finish you off as a species or, at the least, a global civiliza­tion.]
    [H: At this point in the writings there are some very lengthy footnotes which I feel you must access:]
    In his novel Coningsby (London, 1844), Disraeli draws a picture from life of the Jews ruling the world from behind thrones as graphic as anything in the Protocols of Nilus. (It is expected that The Times will shortly be in a position to establish that Coningsby is a plagiarism of a Byzantine novel of the XVI­Ith century.) The passage in which Rothschild (Sidonia) de­scribes this runs as follows:

    "If I followed my own impulse, I would remain here," said Sidonia. Can anything be more absurd than that a nation should apply to an individual to maintain its credit, its existence as an empire and its comfort as a people; and that individual one to whom its laws deny the proudest rights of citizenship, the privilege of sitting in its senate and of holding land; for though I have been rash enough to buy several estates, my own opinion is that by the existing law of England, an Englishman of Hebrew faith cannot possess the soil."

    "But surely it would be easy to repeal a law so illiberal."

    "Oh! as for illiberality, I have no objection to it if it be an el­ement of power. Eschew political sentimentality. What I con­tend is that if you permit men to accumulate property, and they use that permission to a great extent, power is inseparable from that property, and it is in the last degree impolite to make it in the interest of any powerful class to oppose the institutions under which they live. The Jews, for example, independent of the capital qualities for citizenship which they possess in their in­dustry, temperance, and energy and vivacity of mind, are a race essentially monarchical, deeply religious, and shrinking them­selves from converts as from a calamity, are ever anxious to see the religious systems of the countries in which they live, flour­ish; yet since your society has become agitated in England and powerful combinations menace your institutions, you find the one loyal Hebrew invariably arrayed in the same ranks as the leveller and the latitudinarian, and prepared to support rather than tamely continue under a system which seeks to degrade him. The Tories lose an important election at a critical moment; 'tis the Jews come forward to vote against them. The Church is alarmed at the scheme of a latitudinarian university, and learns with relief that funds are not forthcoming for its establishment; a Jew immediately advances and endows it. Yet the Jews, Con­ingsby, are essentially Tories, Toryism indeed is but copied from the mighty prototype that has fashioned Europe. And ev­ery generation they must become more powerful and more dan­gerous to the society which is hostile to them. Do you think that the quiet humdrum persecution of a decorous representative of an English university can crush those who have successively baffled the Pharaohs, Nebuchadnezzar, Rome, and the feudal ages? The fact is you cannot destroy a pure race of the Cau­casian organization. It is a physiological fact; a simple law of nature, which has baffled Egyptian and Assyrian kings, Roman emperors, and Christian inquisitors. No penal laws, no physical tortures, can effect that a superior race should be absorbed in an inferior, or be destroyed by it. The mixed persecuting races disappear, the pure persecuted race remains. And at this mo­ment, in spite of centuries, or tens of centuries, of degradation, the Jewish mind exercises a vast influence on the affairs of Eu­rope. I speak not of their laws, which you still obey; of their literature, with which your minds are saturated; but of the living Hebrew intellect. [H: Now just where do you think Mr. Rothschild is coming from in this outlay as he seems to blast one group of "Jews" while representing the higher intellect of the group within which he would place himself?]

    "You never observe a great intellectual movement in Europe in which the Jews do not greatly participate. The first Jesuits were Jews [H: Wow, I didn't expect that confirmation so soon in coming.]; that mysterious Russian diplomacy which so alarms Western Europe is organized and principally carried on by Jews; that mighty revolution (of 1848) which will be in fact a second and greater Reformation, and of which so little is as yet known in England, is entirely developing under the auspices of Jews, who almost monopolize the professorial chairs of Ger­many; NEANDAR, Founder of spiritual Christianity, and who is Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Berlin, is a Jew. [H: Say what? Go back, reader, it says "NEANDAR, FOUNDER OF SPIRITUAL CHRISTIANITY, and who is Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Berlin, IS A JEW.] Benary, equally famous, and in the same university, is a Jew. Wehl, the Arabic Professor of Heidelberg, is a Jew. Years ago, when I was in Palestine, I met a German student who was accumulating materials for the history of Christianity and studying the genius of the place; a modest and learned man. It was Wehl; then unknown, since become the first Arabic scholar of the day, and the author of the life of Mahomet. But for the German professors of this race, their name is legion. I think there are more than ten in Berlin alone.


    "I told you just now that I was going up to town tomorrow, because I always made it a rule to interpose when affairs of state were on the carpet. Otherwise, I never interfere. I hear of peace and war in newspapers, but I am never alarmed, except when I am informed that the sovereigns want treasure; then I know that monarchs are serious.

    "A few years back we were applied to by Russia. Now there has been no friendship between the Court of St. Petersburg and my family. It has Dutch connections which have generally sup­plied it; and our representations in favour of the Polish He­brews, a numerous race, but the most suffering and degraded of all the tribes, has not been very agreeable to the Czar. However circumstances drew to an approximation between the Romanoffs and the Sidonias. I resolved to go myself to St. Petersburg. I had on my arrival an interview with the Russian Minister of Fi­nance, Count Cancrin; I beheld the son of a Lithuanian Jew. The loan was connected with the affairs of Spain; I resolved on repairing to Spain from Russia. I travelled without intermission. I had an audience immediately on my arrival with the Spanish minister, Senor Mendizabel; I beheld one like myself, the son of a Nuevo Christiano, a Jew of Aragon. In consequence of what transpired at Madrid, I went straight to Paris to consult the President of the French council; I beheld the son of a French Jew, a hero, an imperial marshal, and very properly so, for who should be military heroes if not those who worship the Lord of Hosts?"

    "And is Soult a Hebrew?"

    "Yes, and others of the French marshals, and the most fa­mous, Massena, for example; his real name was Mannaseh: but to my anecdote. The consequence of our consultations was that northern power should be applied to in a friendly and mediative capacity. We fixed on Prussia, and the President of the Council made an application to the Prussian minister, who attended a few days after our conference. Count Armin entered the cabi­net, and I beheld a Prussian Jew. So you see, my dear Con­ingsby, that the world is governed by very different person­ages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes.
    [H: The information contained in this "footnote" is as valu­able as any you shall ever gain. Study it carefully for right here was locked up your SPIRITUAL attitudes toward "a" Christ and that "christ" would be presented to you in order that you all march to the same WRONG drummer's beat.]
    [Continuing now with that following the footnote interruption:]

    Prominent among them and in close touch with Venedey, was Adolphe Isaac Cremieux (1798-1880). A Nimes lawyer with an ardent admiration for Napoleon, he became legal adviser to the Bonaparte family and an intimate of Louis Napoleon with whom he joined in overthrowing the government of Louis Philippe in 1849. A member of the Mizraim Lodge, the Scottish Rite (of which he became supreme Master on the death of Viennet), he was familiar with all new movements; and his influence enabled him to render at least one important service to Jewry by having the Jewish murderers of Father Thomas in Damascus (1841) set at liberty. One of the leaders in the revolution of February 1848, he was appointed minister of justice under the provisional government, and used all his political influence in the election of Louis Napoleon to the presidency of the republic. Cremieux hoped in this way to be named Prime Minister and control French policy for a period, as Disraeli did in England somewhat later. Like Disraeli, he had the financial support of the Roth­schilds; but when the President chose for his banker another Jew, Fould, and named General Cavaignac premier, Cremieux saw he had lost. Bitterly disappointed, he became so hostile to his former friend that, at the time of the coup d'etat in 1851, he was imprisoned at Vincennes. On his release, he identified him­self with the enemies of the emperor; these inluded the commu­nist associates of Marx, Mazzini, Jacob Venedey (already men­tioned), Louis Blanc, Ledru Rollin, Pierre Leroux, and a group of socialists, among whom was Maurice Joly. His father was Philippe Lambert Joly, born at Dieppe, Attorney-General of the Jura under Louis-Philippe for ten years. His mother, Floren­tine Corbara Courtois, was the daughter of Laurent Courtois, paymaster-general of Corsica, who had an inveterate hatred of Napoleon I. Maurice Joly was born in 1831 at Lons-le-Saulnier and educated at Dijon: there he had begun his law studies, but left for Paris in 1849 to secure a post in the Ministry of the Inte­rior under M. Chevreau and just before the coup d'etat. He did not finish his law studies till 1860. Committed suicide in 1878.

    Joly, some thirty years younger than Cremieux, with an in­herited hatred of the Bonapartes, seems to have fallen very largely under his influence. Through Cremieux, Joly became acquainted with communists and their writings. Though, until 1871 when his ambition for a government post turned him into a violent communist, he had not in 1864 gone beyond socialism, he was so impressed with the way they presented their argu­ ments that he could not, if the chance were offered, refrain from imitating. And this chance came in 1864-1865, when his hatred of Napoleon, whetted by Cremieux, led him to publish anony­mously in Brussels the Dialogues aux Enfers entre Machiavelli et Montesquieu. In this work he tells us "Machiavelli represents the policy of Might, while Montesquieu stands for that of Right: Machiavelli will be Napoleon, who will himself describe his abominable policy." It was natural that he should choose the Italian Machiavelli to stand for Bonaparte, and the Frenchman Montesquieu, for the ideal statesman: It was equally natural that he should put in the mouth of Machiavelli some of the same ex­pression which Venedey had put in it, and which Joly had ad­mired. His own view was: "Socialism seems to me one of the forms of a new life for the people emancipated from the tradi­tions of the old world. I accept a great many of the solutions of­fered by socialism; but I reject communism, either as a social factor, or as a political institution. Communism is but a school of socialism. In politics, I understand extreme means to gain one's ends--in that at least, I am a Jacobin."

    The French authorities, however, penetrated the thinly dis­guised satire: Joly was arrested and sentenced to two years im­prisonment (April, 1865). But the Dialogues had pleased Cremieux as much as they had displeased the emperor, and, when his term expired, his Jewish patron rallied to his support: Joly was able to found a legal review, Le Palais, with Jules Favre, Desmaret, Leblond, Arago, Berryer, and Adolphe Cremieux as its principal stockholders.

    With the fall of Napoleon III, Adolphe Cremieux once more took an open part in politics. Pushing to the front his former secretary, Gambetta, he directed through him the negotiations with Bismarck. Bismarck himself was guided by the Jew Barn­berger (1832-1899), a former revolutionary of '48, but who had for years managed the Paris branch of the Jewish bank Bischof­sheim & Goldschmidt; he was also a friend of Cremieux. A third Jew in the negotiations was the son of James Rothschild. Bismarck, who had met the latter's grandfather, knew that Roth­schild's real name was MEYER,and regarded him as an "Israelitish citizen of Frankfurt", hence a German subject. To make matters worse, the victor was obliged to discuss the terms of peace with this renegade subject in French, the language of the vanquished, because Rothschild professed not to understand German (from Corti, House of Rothschild, vol II.). In this way, care was taken that the treaty should be satisfactory, if not en­tirely to the signatories, yet at least so to the Alliance Israelite Universelle.

    From then (1871) until his death in 1880, as President of the Alliance Israelite Universelle and supreme Master of the Scot­tish Rite, Cremieux was one of the promoters of the anti-clerical movement following the Franco-Prussian war. His favorite theme was that there should be one cult. Speaking at a general assembly of the Alliance he said: "the Alliance is not limited to our cult; it voices its appeal to all cults and wants to penetrate in all religions, as it has penetrated into all countries. Let us en­deavor boldly to bring about the union of all cults under one flag of 'Union and Progress': such is the motto of humanity. This speech was made on May 31, 1864; "Union and Progress" was the name given to several revolutionary associations and Ma­sonic lodges. "One cult" is strongly reminiscent of Protocol XVI.

    One cult, one flag. Are the Protocols of Nilus, or the words of Machiavelli in Joly's book or in Venedeys book, anything but an elaborate exposition of the ideas thus briefly expressed by Cremieux? His activities are one of the best examples of Jewish internationalism. Thus the principal attempt to discredit the Protocols leads directly into historical studies which substantiate and illustrate their doctrine in a remarkable and unexpected manner.

    Chapter IV

    TEXT AND COMMENTARY

    Of the Protocols themselves little need be said in the way of introduction. The book in which they are embodied was pub­lished by Sergyei Nilus in Russia in 1905. A copy of this is in the British Museum, bearing the date of its reception, August 10th, 1906. All copies that were known to exist in Russia were destroyed by the Kerensky regime, and under his successors the possession of a copy by anyone in Sovietland was crime suffi­cient to ensure the owner's being shot on sight. This fact is in itself sufficient proof of the genuinenes of the Protocols. The Jewish journals, of course, say that they are a forgery, leaving it to be understood that Professor Nilus, who embodied them in a work of his own, had concocted them for his own purposes.

    Mr. Henry Ford, in an interview published in the New York World, February 17th, 1921, put the case for Nilus tersely and convincingly thus:

    "The only statement I care to make about the PROTOCOLS is that they fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen years old, and they have fitted the world situation up to this time. THEY FIT IT NOW."

    Indeed they do!

    These Protocols give the substance of addresses delivered to the innermost circle of the Rulers of Zion. They reveal the con­certed plan of action of the Jewish Nation developed through the ages and edited by the Elders themselves up to date. Parts and summaries of the plan have been published from time to time during the centuries as the secrets of the Elders have leaked out. The claim of the Jews that the Protocols are forgeries is in itself an admission of their genuineness, for they never attempt to an­swer the facts corresponding to the threats which the Protocols contain, and, indeed, the correspondence between prophecy and fulfillment is too glaring to be set aside or obscured. This the Jews well know and therefore evade.

    When did the Meetings take place and by whom were the Protocols promulgated?

    The answer to these questions is to a certain extent conjec­tural, but the presumption is strong that they were issued at the First Zionist Congress held at Basel in 1897 under the presidency of the Father of Modern Zionism, the late Theodore Herzl.

    Is there in collateral evidence of this?

    Yes; and a very striking bit of evidence it is. There has been recently published a volume on Herzl's Diaries, a translation of some passages of which appeared in the Jewish Chronicle of July 14, 1922, and his conversation with Colonel Goldsmid, a Jew brought up as a Christian, an Officer in the English Army, and at heart a New Nationalist all the time. Goldsmid suggested to Herzl that the best way of expropriating the English Aristoc­racy and so destroying their power to protect the people of England was to put excessive taxes on the land. Herzl thought this an excellent idea, and it is now to be found definitely em­bodied in Protocol VI!

    The "liberal" victory in the English election of 1906 (the date of the reception of a copy of the Protocols by the British Mu­seum, be it noted), which was essentially a Jewish victory, en­abled the Elders to carry their land-taxing policy into practical effect. In consequence, the only option now left to a large pro­portion of the English Aristocracy is either to sell their estates to Jews or to marry their sons to Jewesses.

    The above extract from Herzl's Diary is an extremely signifi­cant bit of evidence bearing on the existence of the Jew World Plot and authenticity of the Protocols, but any reader of intelli­gence will be able from his own knowledge of recent history and from his own experience to confirm the genuineness of every line of them, and it is in the light of this living comment that all readers are invited to study Mr. Marsden's translation of this terribly inhuman document.

    [H: Well, there goes the theory out the window that Mr. Marsden did this section on notations and commentaries. The author shall, possibly forever, remain anonymous and that, readers, is the most secure place to be--not for the writer, particularly, be he even still alive, but for anyone as­sociated with him or his acquaintances.]

    WHO ARE THE ELDERS?
    Who, it may be asked, are the Elders of Zion?

    They are sometimes called "the Sages of Zion", and their sayings are quoted as gospel by the Jews themselves.

    And here is another very significant circumstance. The pre­sent successor of Herzl as leader of the Zionist movement, Dr. Weizmann, quoted one of these sayings at the send-off banquet given to Chief Rabbi Hertzon October 6th, 1920. The Chief Rabbi was on the point of leaving for his Empire tour--a sort of Jewish answer to the Empire tour of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales. And this is the "saying" of the Sages which Dr. Weiz­mann quoted: "A beneficent protection which God has instituted in the life of the Jews is that He has dispersed them all over the world." (Jewish Guardian, Oct. 8th, 1920.)

    Now compare this with the last clause but one of Protocol XI.

    "God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of dispersion, and from this, which appears to all eyes to be our weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world. "
    The remarkable correspondence between these passages proves several things. It proves that the Learned Elders exist. It proves that Dr. Weizmann knows all about them. It proves that the desire for a "National Home" in Palestine is only cam­ouflage and an infinitesimal part of the Jew's real object. It proves that the Jews of the world have no intention of settling in Palestine or any separate country, and that their annual prayer that they may all meet "Next Year in Jerusalem" IS MERELY A PIECE OF THEIR CHARACTERISTIC MAKE-BELIEVE.It also demonstrates that the Jews are now a world menace, and that the Aryan races will have to domicile them permanently out of Europe. [H: OOPS! for America.]

    WHAT ARE THE ELDERS ' NAMES?
    THE THREE HUNDRED
    But what are their names? This is a secret which has not been revealed. They are the Hidden Hand. They are not the "Board of Deputies" (the Jewish Parliament in England) or the "Universal Israelite Alliance" which sits in Paris. But the late Walter Rathenau of the Allgemeiner Electricitaets Gesellschaft has thrown a little light on the subject and doubtless he was in possession of their names, being, in all likelihood, one of the chief leaders himself. Writing in the Wiener Freie Presse, De­cember 24th, 1912, he said:

    Three hundred men (Jews, of course), each of whom knows all the others, govern the fate of the European continent, and they elect their succes­sors from their entourage.

    The Learned Elders are the general officers of these--not three, but--three hundred Fates.

    NOTES

    • I. -- "AGENTUR" AND "THE POLITICAL"


    There are two words in this translation which are unusual, the word "Agentur", and "political" used as a substantive. Agentur appears to be a word adopted from the original and it means the whole body of agents and agencies made use of by the elders, whether members of the tribe or their Gentile tools.

    By "the political" Mr. Marsden means, not exactly the "body politic" but the entire machinery of politics.


    • II. THE SYMBOLIC SNAKE OF JUDAISM

    Protocol III opens with a reference to the Symbolic Snake of Judaism. In his Epilogue to the 1905 Edition of the Protocols, Nilus gives the following interesting account of this symbol:

    According to the records of secret Jewish Zionism, Solomon and other Jewish learned men already, in 929 B.C., thought out a scheme in theory for a peaceful conquest of the whole uni­verse by Zion.

    As history developed, this scheme was worked out in detail and completed by men who were subsequently initiated in this question. These learned men decided by peaceful means to con­quer the world for Zion with the slyness of the Symbolic Snake, whose head was to represent those who have been initiated into the plans of the Jewish administration, and the body of the Snake to represent the Jewish people--the administration was always kept secret, even from the Jewish nation itself. As this Snake penetrated into the hearts of the nations which it encoun­tered, it undermined and devoured all the non-Jewish power of those States. It is foretold that the Snake has still to finish its work, strictly adhering to the designed plan, until the course which it has to run is closed by the return of its head to Zion and until, by this means, the Snake has completed its round of Eu­rope, and has encircled it--and until, by dint of enchaining Eu­rope, it has encompassed the whole world. This it is to accom­plish by using every endeavor to subdue the other countries by an economical conquest.

    The return of the head of the Snake to Zion can only be ac­complished after the power of all the Sovereigns of Europe has been laid low, that is to say, when by means of economic crises and wholesale destruction effected everywhere there shall have been brought about a spiritual demoralization and a moral cor­ruption, chiefly with the assistance of Jewish women mas­querading as French, Italians, etc. These are the surest spread­ers of licentiousness into the lives of the leading men at the heads of nations.

    A map of the course of the Symbolic Snake [See page 187] is shown as follows: Its first stage in Europe was in 429 B.C., in Greece, where, in the time of Pericles, the Snake first started eating into the power of that country. The second stage was Rome in the time of Augustus, about 69 B.C. The third in Madrid in the time of Charles V, in 1552 A.D. The fourth in 1790, in the time of Louis XVI. The fifth in London from 1814 onwards (after the downfall of Napoleon). The sixth in Berlin in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian war. The seventh in St. Pe­tersburg, over which is drawn the head of the Snake under the date of 1881. [H: Well, I guess that pretty well covers "Europe" but what about .... ? Remember this book of in­formation was written in 1922 or thereabouts and that is some 76 years past. What do you think could be accom­plished in three quarters of a century if you were already "on a roll"?]

    All these states which the Snake traversed have had the foun­dations of their constitutions shaken. Germany, with its appar­ent power, forming no exception to the rule. In economic con­ditions England and Germany are spared, but only till the con­quest of Russia is accomplished by the Snake, on which at pre­sent (i.e. 1905), all its efforts are concentrated. [H: So here we have a reminder that Nilus offered this in 1905 and that is 93 years--or, almost a century. This brings you up to, includ­ing the years deliberately pulled from your calendars, well into the next century which includes the Plan for 2000 al­ready being established and basically operable.] The further course of the Snake is not shown on this map, but arrows indi­cate its next movement towards Moscow, Kieff, and Odessa.

    It is now well known to us to what extent the latter cities form the centers of the militant Jewish race. Constantinople is shown as the last stage of the Snake's course before it reaches Jerusalem. (This map was drawn years before the occurrence of the "Young Turk"--i.e., Jewish--Revolution in Turkey.)


    • III. The term "Goyim", meaning Gentiles or non-Jews, is used throughout The Protocols and is retained by Mr. Marsden. It is a term of offence and contempt and reveals the innermost spirit of Judaism.


    [END OF QUOTING]

    I realize that this PART 12 is very lengthy and tiring; therefore, we will not start another session, for the press, today.

    When we do offer the next portion we will BEGIN on the translation of the PROTOCOLS themselves, so this is a very ap­propriate breaking point.

    My trust is that by the time we have this ready for publishing in book format that these have been run on the entire world IN­TERNET network. Anyone, anywhere, is welcome to take these writings and put them on websites, chat rooms, whatever you have with which to begin dialogue. I won't have available proper computer copies but perhaps if you get in touch with the CONTACT office, you may be able to acquire, at the least, e­mail, and reproduce your own documents.

    We copyright none of my work because we are here to bring TRUTH AND INFORMATION, so you have blanket permis­sion to use the material--AS LONG AS IT IS UNTAMPERED AND OFFERED IN WHOLE.

    You have no prayer of reaching through on any establishment circuits of television, radio or press, so don't bother. Get the network of citizens busy and the word will be IMPOSSIBLE TO STOP. Take control of your destiny, people, it is YOUR LIFE and YOUR SOULS. Be worthy of the perfection with which you are created.

    Blessings upon you who labor in the vineyards of our Father, for His abundance will be upon us as we meet the challenge of HIS adversary.

    Dharma, you have accomplished the impossible in these brief hours and know, child, as we move on into tiring shadows of more hours and hours at this console, it is a worthy deed we do and no finer thing could we offer. For through Truth comes the ONLY possibility of FREEDOM for mankind as he has become trapped in the muck of the parasites and leeches.

    I AM ATON. Salu.
    PJ 223
    CHAPTER 8
    FACTS ARE FACTS
    FROM ONE "JEW" TO ANOTHER
    LONG BURIED TRUTH
    MUST BE REVEALED
    Editor's note: The following writing is essentially the quoting of a letter titled "Facts Are Facts". It is quite a comprehensive historical treatise on the history and behavior of the generally poorly understood Khazarian Zionist "Jews". It was written by Benjamin H. Freedman of New York City to Dr. David Goldstein of Boston and is dated October 10, 1954. This was originally presented back in 1991, in Phoenix Journal #25, called THE Br1TER COMMUNION. More recently it was shared on pages 34-56 of the 11/29/94 issue of CONTACT.

    2/16/91 #1 HATONN
    If you ones cannot come into understanding that it is the Khazar Zionists who have you by the throat--then the rest of the expla­nation can have no impact or meaning of value. YOU MUST GET THE PLAYERS STRAIGHT!

    The following will be a direct quote (copy) from a Special De­livery letter to Dr. David Goldstein LL.D. FROM Benjamin H. Freedman, October 10, 1954.

    In the interest of saving space and time, Dharma, simply put it to paper exactly as it is written. I shall begin with the word "QUOTE" and end the document with "END QUOTING". If I make comment at any point, I shall indicate by use of my initial.

    "FACTS ARE FACTS"
    [QUOTING

    960 PARK AVENUE
    NEW YORK CITY
    October 10, 1 9 5 4
    SPECIAL DELIVERY

    Dr.David Goldstein, LL.D.
    Astor Post Office Station
    Boston, Massachusetts

    My dear Dr. Goldstein,

    Your very outstanding achievements as a convert to Catholi­cism impress me as without a comparable parallel in modern history. Your devotion to the doctrines and the dogmas of the Roman Catholic Church defy any attempt at description by me only with words. Words fail me for that.

    As a vigorous protagonist persevering so persistently in prop­agating the principles of the Roman Catholic Church--its pur­pose, its policies, its programs--your dauntless determination is the inspiration for countless others who courageously seek to follow in your footsteps.

    In view of this fact it requires great courage for me to write to you as I am about to do. So I pray when you receive this communication from me you will try to keep in mind Galatians 4:16, "AmI therefore become your enemy, because I tell you the truth?". I hope you will so favor me.

    It is truly a source of great pleasure and genuine gratification to greet you at long last although of necessity by correspon­dence. It is quite a disappointment to me to make your ac­quaintance in this manner. It would now afford me a far greater pleasure and a great privilege also if instead I could greet you on this occasion in person.

    [H: you will note that only in the beginning do "words fail him" for this does get tedious and long, so please bear with us until he finally gets to some points after the honey is smeared about most thickly.]
    Our very good mutual friend has for long been planning a meeting with you in person for me. I still wish to do that. I look forward with pleasant anticipation to doing this in the not too distant future at a time agreeable to you.

    You will discover in the contents of this long letter valid evi­dence for the urgency on my part to communicate with you without further delay. You will further discover this urgency reflected in the present gravity of the crisis which now jeopar­dizes an uninterrupted continuance of the Christian faith in its long struggle as the world's most effective spiritual and social force in the Divine mission of promoting the welfare of all mankind without regard for their diversified races, religions, and nationalities.

    Your most recent article coming to my attention appeared in the September issue of the A.P.J. Bulletin, the official publica­tion of the organization calling themselves The Archconfra­ternity of Prayer for Peace and Goodwill to Israel. The headline of your article, News and Views of Jews, and the purpose of the organization stated in the masthead of the publication, "To Pro­mote Interest in the Apostalate to Israel" prompts me to take Father time by his forelock and promptly offer my comments. I beg your indulgence accordingly.

    It is with reluctance that I place my comments in letter form. I hesitated to do so but I find it the only expedient thing to do under the circumstances. I beg to submit them to you now with­out reservation of any nature for your immediate and earnest consideration. It is my very sincere wish that you accept them in the friendly spirit in which they are submitted. It is also my hope that you will give your consideration to them and favor me with your early reply in the same friendly spirit for which I thank you in advance.

    In the best interests of that worthy objective to which you are continuing to dedicate the years ahead as you have so diligently done for many past decades, I most respectfully and sincerely urge you to analyze and to study carefully the data submitted to you here. I suggest also that you then take whatever steps you consider appropriate and necessary as a result of your conclu­sions. In the invisible and intangible ideological war being waged in defense of the great Christian heritage against its dedi­cated enemies your positive attitude is vital to victory. Your passive attitude will make a negative contribution to the total ef­fort.

    You assuredly subscribe fully to that sound and sensible sen­timent that "it is better to light one candle than to sit in dark­ness". My solitary attempts to date "to given light to them that sit in darkness, and in the shadow" may prove no more success­ful with you now than they have in so many other instances where I have failed during the past thirty years. In your case I feel rather optomistic at the moment.

    Although not completely in vain I still live in the hope that one day one of these "candles" will burst into flame like a long smouldering spark and start a conflagration that will sweep across the nation like a prairie fire and illuminate vast new hori­zons for the first time. That unyielding hope is the source of the courage which aids me in my struggle against the great odds to which I am subjected for obvious reasons.

    It has been correctly contended for thousands of years that "In the end Truth always prevails". We all realize that Truth in action can prove itself a dynamic power of unlimited force. But alas Truth has no self-starter. Truth cannot get off dead-center unless a worthy apostle gives Truth a little push to overcome its inertia. Without that start Truth will stand still and will never arrive at its intended destination. Truth has often died aborning for the most logical reason. Your help in this respect will prove of great value.

    On the other hand Truth has many times been completely "blacked out" by repeating contradictory and conflicting un­truths over and over again, and again, and again. The world's recent history supplies somber testimony of the dangers to civi­lization inherent in that technique. That form of treason to Truth is treachery to mankind. You must be very careful, my dear Dr. Goldstein, not to become unwittingly one of the many accessories before and after the fact who have appeared upon the scene of public affairs in recent years.

    Whether unwittingly, unwillingly or unintentionally many of history's most noted characters have misrepresented the truth to the world and they have been so believed that it puzzles our generation. As recently as 1492 the world was misrepresented as flat by all the best alleged authorities on the subject. In 1492 Christopher Columbus was able to demonstrate otherwise. There are countless similar other instances in the history of the world.

    Whether these alleged authorities were guilty of ignorance or indifference is here besides the point. It is not important now. They were either totally ignorant of the facts or they knew the facts but chose to remain silent on the subject for reasons undis­closed by history. A duplication of this situation exists today with respect to the crisis which confronts the Christian faith. It is a vital factor today in the struggle for survival or the eventual surrender of the Christian faith to its enemies. The times in which we are living appears to be the "zero hour" for the Chris­tian faith.

    As you have observed no institution in our modern society can long survive if its structure is not from its start erected upon a foundation of Truth. The Christian faith was first erected upon a very solid foundation of Truth by its Founder. To sur­vive it must remain so. The deterioration, the disintegration, and finally the destruction of the structure of the Christian faith today will be accelerated in direct ratio to the extent that misrep­resentation and distortion of Truth become the substitutes of Truth. Truth is an absolute quality. Truth can never be rela­tive. There can be no degrees to Truth. Truth either exists or it does not exist. To be half-true is as incredible as to be half-honest or to be half-loyal.

    As you have undoubtedly also learned, my dear Dr. Gold­stein, in their attempt to do an "ounce" of good in one direction many well-intentioned persons do a "ton" of harm in another di­rection. We all learn that lesson sooner or later in life. Today finds you dedicating your unceasing efforts and your untiring energy to the task of bringing so-called or self-styled "Jews" into the Roman Catholic Church as converts. It must recall to you many times the day so many years ago when you embraced Catholicism yourself as a convert. More power to you, and the best of luck. May your efforts be rewarded with great success.

    Without you becoming aware of the fact, the methods you employ contribute in no small degree to dilution of the devotion of countless Christians for their Christian faith. For each "ounce" of so-called good you accomplish by conversion of so-called or self-styled "Jews" to the Christian faith at the same time you do a "ton" of harm in another direction by diluting the devotion of countless Christians for their Christian faith. This bold conclusion on my part is asserted by me with the firm and fair conviction that the facts will support my contention. In ad­dition it is a well known fact that many "counterfeit" recent con­versions reveal that conversions have often proved to be but "infiltrations" by latent traitors with treasonable intentions.

    [H: Please, just stay with us a while longer for it DOES get better. If you are "turned Off" by the association of "church" involvement please just read on--it is specific in in­tent but is "infiltration" into all clubs and organizations and all denominations and government, Congress and military. You will see the point as it unfolds herein--Iask that he not "lose you" by boredom of his upstart for it is so integrated into that which I have just given you that it is worth the in­put even at a level of boredom. If ye do not come into Truth--ye will spend countless years wishing you had been a "bit more patient through the boredom".]
    The attitudes you express today and your continued activity in this work require possible revision in the light of the facts sub­mitted to you in this letter. Your present philosophy and the­ology on this subject seriously merit, without any delay, recon­sideration on your part. What you say or write may greatly in­fluence a "boom" or a "bust" for the Christian faith in the very near future far beyond your ability to accurately evaluate sitting in your high "white ivory tower". The Christians implicitly believe whatever you write. So do the so-called or self-styled "Jews"whom you seek to convert. This influence you wield can become a danger. I must call it to your attention.

    Your reaction to the facts called to your attention in this letter can prove to be one of the most crucial verdicts ever reached bearing upon the security of the Christian faith in recent cen­turies. In keeping with this great responsibility I sincerely commend this sentiment to you hoping that you will earnestly study the contents of this letter from its first word to its very last word. All who know you well are in the fortunate position to know how close this subject is to your heart. By your loyalty to the high ideals you have observed during the many years you have labored so valiantly on behalf of the Christian faith you have earned the admiration you enjoy. The Christian faith you chose of your own free will in the prime of life is very proud of you in more ways than as a convert.

    Regardless of what anyone anywhere and anytime in this whole wide-world may say to the contrary events of recent years everywheres establish beyond any question of a doubt that the Christian faith today stands with one foot in the grave and the other on a banana peel figuratively speaking of course. Only those think otherwise who deliberately shut their eyes to realities or who do not choose to see even with their eyes wide open. I believe you to be too realistic to indulge yourself in the futile folly of fooling yourself.

    It is clear that the Christian faith today stands at the cross­roads of its destiny. The Divine and sacred mission of the Christian faith is in jeopardy today to a degree never witnessed before in its long history of almost 2000 years. The Christian faith needs loyal friends now as never before. I somehow feel that you can always be counted upon as one of its loyal friends. You cannot over-simplify the present predicament of the Chris­tian faith. The problem it faces is too self-evident to mistake. It is in a critical situation.

    When the day arrives that Christians can no longer profess their Christian faith as they profess it today in the free world the Christian faith will have seen the beginning of its "last days".What already applies to 50% of the world's total population can shortly apply equally to 100% of the world's total population. It is highly conceivable judging from present trends. The malig­nant character of this malady is just as progressive as cancer. It will surely prove as fatal also unless steps are taken now to re­verse its course. What is now being done towards arresting its progress or reversing its trend?

    Mr dear Dr. Goldstein, can you recall the name of the philosopher who is quoted as saying that "Nothing in this world is permanent except change"? That philosophy must be applied to the Christian faith also. The $64. question remains whether the change will be for the better or for the worse. The problem is that simple. If the present trend continues for another 37 years the Christian faith as it is professed today by Christians will have disappeared from the face of the Earth. In what form or by what instrumentality the mission of Jesus Christ will thereupon and thereafter continue to make itself manifest here on Earth is as unpredictable as it is inevitible. [H: IT HAS NOW BEEN EXACTLY 37 YEARS FROM THE TIME OF THE LETTER. SAVE A FEW SHORT MONTHS. PON­DER IT MOST CAREFULLY!]

    [ENDOF QUOTING FOR THIS SEGMENT]

    Dharma, allow us a break please for this is indeed a very long writing and it will serve better in bits rather than as a whole. Thank you. Please note the changes in your computer are a re­sult of our own adjustments. If you are in continuing slow boot-up, etc., let one of the others look at it. I prefer, however, that it be left alone until we can come into some further adjustments ourselves. It took a real blast to its electronics day before yes­terday but we don't want to continue on alternate power for it only causes the "enemy" to tinker to regain input on his own systems and we care not that it is all monitored. Salu. Hatonn to stand-by.

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