PJ 48
CHAPTER 11

REC #2 HATONN

FRI., APRIL 3, 1992 9:04 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 231

FRIDAY. APRIL 3. 1992
CIA--THE CLANDESTINE MENTALITY
HEADQUARTERS
The headquarters building, located on a partially wooded 125-acre tract eight miles from downtown Washington, is a modernistic fortress-like structure. Until the spring of 1973 one of the two roads leading into the secluded compound was totally unmarked, and the other featured a sign identifying the installa­tion as the Bureau of Public Roads, which maintains the Fair­banks Highway Research Station adjacent to the agency.


Until 1961 the CIA had been located in a score of buildings scattered all over Washington. One of the principal justifica­tions for the $46 million headquarters in the suburbs was that considerable expense would be saved by moving all employees under one roof. But in keeping with the best-laid bureaucratic plans, the headquarters building from the day it was completed, proved too small for all the CIA's Washington activities. The agency never vacated some of its old headquarters buildings hidden behind a naval medical facility on 23rd Street Northwest in Washington, and its National Photo Interpretations Center shares part of the navy's facilities in Southeast Washington. Other large CIA offices located downtown include the Domestic Operations Division, on Pennsylvania Avenue near the White House.

And in Washington's Virginia suburbs there are even more CIA buildings outside the headquarters complex. An agency training facility is located in the Broyhill Building in Arlington, and the CIA occupies considerable other office space in that county's Rosslyn section. Also at least half a dozen CIA components are located in the Tyson's Corner area of northern Virginia, which has become something of a mini-intelligence community for technical work due to the presence there of numerous electronics and research companies that do work for the agency and the Pentagon.

The rapid expansion of CIA office space in the last ten years did not happen as a result of any appreciable increase in personnel. Rather, the technological explosion, coupled with inevitable bureaucratic lust for new frontiers, has been the cause. As Director, Richard Helms paid little attention to the diffusion of his agency until one day in 1968 when a CIA official mentioned to him that still one more technical component was moving to Tyson's Corner. For some reason this aroused Helms' ire, and he ordered a study prepared to find out just how much of the agency was located outside of headquarters. The completed report told him what most Washington-area real-estate agents already knew, that a substantial percentage of CIA employees had vacated the building originally justified to Congress as necessary to put all personnel under one roof. Helms decreed that all future moves would require his personal approval, but his action slowed the exodus only temporarily.

When the CIA headquarters building was being constructed during the late 1950's, the subcontractor responsible for putting in the heating and air-conditioning system asked the agency how many people the structure was intended to accommodate. For security reasons, the agency refused to tell him, and he was forced to make his own estimate based on the building's size. The resulting heating system worked reasonably well, while the air-conditioning was quite uneven. After initial complaints in 1961, the contractor installed an individual thermostat in each office, but so many agency employees were continually readjusting their thermostats that the system got worse. The M&S Directorate then decreed that the thermostats could no longer be used, and each one was sealed up. However, the M&S experts had not considered that the CIA was a clandestine agency, and that many of its personnel had taken a "locks and picks" course while in training. Most of the thermostats were soon unlocked and back in operation.

At this point the CIA took the subcontractor to court to force him to make improvements. His defense was that he had installed the best system he could without a clear indication of how many people would occupy the building. The CIA could not counter this reasoning and lost the decision.

Another unusual feature of the CIA headquarters is the cafeteria. It is partitioned into a secret and an open section, the larger part being only for agency employees, who must show their badges to the armed guards before entering, and the smaller being for visitors as well as people who work at tine CIA. Although the only outsiders ever to enter the small, dismal section are employees of other U.S. government agencies, representatives of a few friendly governments, and CIA families, the partition ensures that no visitor will see the face of any clandestine operator eating lunch.

The CIA's "supergrades" (civilian equivalents of generals) have their own private dining room in the executive suite, how-ever. There they are provided higher-quality food at lower prices than in the cafeteria, served on fine china with fresh linens by black waiters in immaculate white coats. These waiters and the executive cooks are regular CIA employees, in contrast to the cafeteria personnel, who work for a contractor. On several occasions the Office of Management and Budget has questioned the high cost of this private dining room, but the agency has always been able to fend off the attacks, as it fends off almost all attacks on its activities, by citing "national security" reasons as major justification.

* * *
Questions of social class and snobbery have always been very important in the CIA. With its roots in the wartime Office of Strategic Services (the letters OSS were said, only half-jokingly, to stand for "Oh So Social"), the agency has long been known for its concentration of Eastern Establishment, Ivy League types. Allen Dulles, a former American diplomat and Wall Street lawyer with impeccable connections and credentials, set the tone for an agency full of Roosevelts, Bundys, Cleveland Amory's brother Robert, and other scions of America's leading families. There have been exceptions, to be sure, but most of the CIA's top leaders have been White, Anglo-Saxon, Protes­tant, and graduates of the right Eastern schools. While changing times and ideas have diffused the influence of the Eastern elite throughout the government as a whole, the CIA remains perhaps the last bastion in official Washington of WASP power, or at least the slowest to adopt the principle of equal opportunity.

CFR: SOURCE FOR "FRONTS"

It was no accident that former Clandestine Services chief Richard Bissell (Groton, Yale, A.B., Ph.D., London School of Economics, A.B.) was talking to a Council on Foreign Relations discussion group in 1968 when he made his "confidential" speech on covert action. For the influential but private Council, composed of several hundred of the country's top political, mil­itary, business, and academic leaders, has long been the CIA's principal "constituency" in the American public. When the agency has needed prominent citizens to front for its proprietary companies or for other special assistance, it has often turned to Council members. Bissell knew that night in 1968 that he could talk freely and openly about extremely sensitive subjects because he was among "friends". His words leaked out not because of the indiscretion of any of the participants, but because of student upheavals at Harvard in 1971.

It may well have been the sons of CFR members or CIA officials who ransacked the office housing the minutes of Bis­sell's speech, and therein lies the changing nature of the CIA (and the Eastern Establishment, for that matter). Over the last decade the attitudes of the young people who in earlier times would have followed their fathers or their fathers' college roommates into the CIA, have changed drastically. With the Vietnam War as a catalyst, the agency has become, to a large extent, discredited in the traditional Eastern schools and col­leges. And, consequently the CIA has been forced to alter its recruiting base. No longer do Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and a few other Eastern schools provide the bulk of the agency's pro­fessional recruits, or even a substantial number.

For the most part, Ivy Leaguers do not want to join the agency, and the CIA now does its most fruitful recruiting at the universities of middle America and in the armed forces. While the shift unquestionably reflects increasing democratization in American government, the CIA made the change not so much voluntarily as because it had no other choice if it wished to fill its ranks. If the "old boy" network cannot be replenished, some officials believe, it will be much more difficult to enlist the aid of American corporations and generally to make use of influen­tial "friends" in the private and public sectors.

Despite the comparatively recent broadening of the CIA's recruiting base, the agency is not now and has never been an equal-opportunity employer. The agency has one of the smallest percentages--if not the smallest--of blacks of any federal de­partment. [H: And take note of the fact that many of those serve in the dining areas and maintenance areas. This is a White-Anglo-Saxon elite organization established by the Committee of 300 through British Intelligence.] The CIA's top management had this forcefully called to their attention in 1967 when a local civil-rights activist wrote to the agency to complain about minority hiring practices. A study was ordered at that time, and the CIA's approximately 12,000 non-clerical employees, and even the proportion of black secretaries, clerks, and other non-professionals was considerably below that of most Washington-area government agencies. One might attribute this latter fact to the agency's suburban location, but blacks were notably well represented in the guard and char forces.

Top officials seemed surprised by the results of the 1967 study because they did not consider themselves prejudiced men. They ordered increased efforts to hire more blacks, but these were not particularly successful. Young black college graduates in recent years have shied away from joining the agency, some on political grounds and others because of the more promising opportunities available in the private sector. Furthermore, the CIA recruiting system could not easily be changed to bring in minorities. Most of the "spotting" of potential employees is done by individual college professors who are either friends or consultants of the agency, and they are located on predominantly white campuses where each year they hand-pick a few carefully selected students for the CIA.

The paucity of minority groups in the CIA goes well be­yond blacks, however. In 1964 the agency's Inspector General did a routine study of the Office of National Estimates (ONE). The Inspector found no black, Jewish, or women professionals, and only a few Catholics, ONE immediately took steps to bring in minorities. One woman professional was hired on a proba­tionary basis, and one black secretary was brought in. When the professional had finished her probation, she was encouraged to find work elsewhere, and the black secretary was given duties away from the main ONE offices--out of sight in the reproduc­tion center. ONE did bend somewhat by hiring a few Jews and some additional Catholics.

There are extremely few women in high-ranking positions in the CIA but, of course, the agency does employ women as secretaries and for other non-professional duties. As is true with all large organizations, there is a high turnover in these jobs, and the agency each year hires a thousand or more new applicants. In a search for suitable candidates, from the mostly white small towns and cities of Virginia and the neighboring states, Maryland, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania. Washing­ton, with its overwhelming black majority, supplies compara­tively few of the CIA's secretaries. Over the years the re­cruiters have established good contacts with high-school guid­ance counselors and principals in the nearby states, and when they make their annual tour in search of candidates, interested girls are steered their way, with several from the same class of­ten being hired at the same time. When the new secretaries come to CIA headquarters outside of Washington, they are en­couraged to live in agency-selected apartments in the Virginia suburbs, buildings in which virtually all the tenants are CIA em­ployees.

Security considerations play a large part in the agency's lack of attention to urban areas in its secretarial recruiting. All agency employees must receive full security clearances and women from small towns are easier and cheaper to investigate.

Moreover, the CIA seems actually to prefer secretaries with the All-American image who are less likely to have been "corrupted" or "politicized" than their urbanized sisters.

Agency secretaries, as well as all other personnel, must pass lie-detector tests as a condition of employment. Then they periodically--usually at five-year intervals or when they return from overseas assignment--must submit themselves again to the "black box". The CIA, unlike most employers, finds out nearly everything imaginable about the private lives of its personnel through these polygraph tests. Questions about sex, drugs, and personal honesty are routinely asked along with security-related matters such as possible contacts with foreign agents. The younger secretaries invariably register a negative reading on the machine when asked the standard: "Have you ever stolen gov­ernment property?" The polygraph experts usually have to add the qualifying clause, "not including pens, pencils, or minor clerical items".

Once CIA recruits have passed their security investiga­tions and lie-detector tests, they are given training by the agency. Most of the secretaries receive instruction in the Washington area, such instruction focusing on the need for se­crecy in all aspects of the work. Women going overseas to type and file for their CIA bosses are given short course in espionage tradecraft. A former secretary reported that the most notable part of her field training in the late 1960's was to trail an in­structor in and out of Washington department stores. This woman's training proved useful, however, when in her first post abroad, ostensibly as an embassy secretary, she was given the mission of surveilling an apartment building in disguise as an Arab woman.

AGENT TRAINING (CT's)

The agency's professionals, most of them (until the 1967 NSA disclosures) recruited through "friendly" college profes­sors, receive much more extensive instruction when they enter the CIA as career trainees (CTs). For two years they are on a probationary status, the first year is formal training programs and the second with on-the-job instruction. The CTs take in­troductory courses at a CIA facility, known as the Broyhill Building, in Arlington, Virginia, in subjects such as security, the organization of the agency and the rest of the intelligence corn­munity, and the nature of international communism. Allen Dulles, in his days as Director, liked to talk to these classes and tell them how, as an American diplomat in Switzerland during World War I, he received a telephone call from a Russian late on a Saturday morning. The Russian wanted to talk to a U.S. government representative immediately, but Dulles had a date with a young lady, so he declined the offer. The Russian turned out to be Nikolai Lenin, and Dulles used the incident to urge the young CTs always to be alert to the possible importance of peo­ple they meet in their work.

Afterward, CTs go to "The Farm", the establishment near Williamsburg that is disguised as a Pentagon research-and-test­ing facility and indeed resembles a large military reservation. Barracks, offices, classrooms, and an officers' club are grouped around a central point. Scattered over its 480 mostly wooded acres are weapons ranges, jump towers, and a simulated closed-border of a mythical Communist country. Away from these fa­cilities are heavily guarded and off-limits sites, locations used for super-secret projects such as debriefing a recent defector, planning a special operation, or training an important foreign agent who will be returning to his native country to spy for the CIA.

As part of their formal clandestine training at "The Farm", the CTs are regularly shown Hollywood spy movies, and after the performance they collectively criticize the techniques used in the films. Other movies are also used, as explained by the for­mer clandestine operator who wrote about his experience in the April 1967 Ramparts:

We were shown Agency-produced films depicting the CIA in action, films which displayed a kind of Hollywood flair for the dramatic that is not uncom­mon inside the Agency. A colleague who went through a 1963 training class told of a film on the U‑ 2 episode. In his comments prefatory to the film, his instructor intimated that President Eisenhower "blew his cool" when he did not continue to deny that the U-2 was a CIA aircraft. But no matter, said the instructor, the U-2 was in sum an Agency tri­umph, for the planes had been overflying Soviet ter­ritory for at least five years. During this time the Soviet leaders had fumed in frustration, unable to bring down a U-2 on the one hand and reluctant to let the world know of their inability on the other. The photography contained in the film confirmed that the "flying cameras" had accomplished a re­markable job of reconnaissance. When the film ended and the lights came on, the instructor gestured toward the back of the room and announced; "Gentlemen, the hero of our film." There stood Francis Gary Powers. The trainees rose and ap­plauded.

All the CTs receive some light-weapons training, and those destined for paramilitary duties receive a full course which in­cludes instruction in explosives and demolition, parachute jumps, air and sea operations, and artillery training. This paramilitary training is also taken by the contract soldiers (who greatly resent being called "mercenaries") who have been sepa­rately recruited for special operations. They join the CTs for some of the other courses, but generally tend to avoid the younger and less experienced recent college graduates who make up the bulk of the CT ranks. Many of these mercenaries and a few of the CTs continue on for an advanced course in ex­plosives and heavy weapons given at a CIA training facility in North Carolina. Postgraduate training in paramilitary operations is conducted at Fort Bragg in North Carolina and at Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone.

* * *
OMINOUS MILITARY MOVES IN U.S.

This will do nicely for this chapter for we have other business requiring our attention.

When we return we shall take up with "Fringe Benefits" and believe me, there are a lot of them.

This day you have your own troops being shifted all over the nation and great convoys of military equipment and men are seen in movement in every state. I can only tell you that the boom is ready to fall. Reports are especially focused on the massive movements along your I-15 moving from West into Utah, Idaho and Montana and on I-80 to and through Nevada and on over into Wyoming.

There are equal numbers being shifted around East of the Mississippi River but the reports are, of course in this area, coming in about local movements. It is far beyond serious, chelas--you are IN IT.

I might herein remind you of the "Plan to Surrender America to the New World Order".

Let me just outlay a bit of factual information and see how it fits into your recall mechanism of that given before. It seems you must have reminders or you become swamped in the myriad of attention fragments so that you lose continuity of the "Plan" and the level of development according to the Plan.

Let us begin by giving you some "Public Law":

None of the funds appropriated in this title shall be used to pay the United States contribution to any international organization which engages in the direct or indirect promotion of the principle of one-world government or one-world citizenship. --Public Law 495, Section 112, 82nd Congress.

So, at this point you have clearly defined the terrifying war-maldng functions of the United Nations Security Council. Now, look at some of the international sleight-of-hand which has transferred your soldiers to the United Nations army.

HOW "GOTCHA" WORKS

For this part of your search you must turn again to the military articles of the United Nations Charter. Under Article 43, Chapter 'VII is found the basic "treaty law" for establishing an "Armed United Nations".

All members of the United Nations, states Article 43, in order to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, undertake to make available to the Security Council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement, or agreements, armed forces, assistance, and facilities, including rights of passage, necessary for the propose of maintaining international peace and security.

Now, as we write along here, just pause from time to time and think on the numbers of persons intended for discharge status in your military forces, national guard and reserves. What will they do? Who will hire them when there are already over 12 million Americans out of work? Do you not think those ones will jump wildly at the opportunity to serve in the brave new United Nations Army? So be it.

The most cursory examination of Article 43 permits only one conclusion: It is the intent of this article to provide the United Nations with unlimited war-making powers.

Article 43 will wipe national boundaries off the map. It will create an irresistible international army. And it will chain the people of the world to the wheel of a military juggernaut.

You have now arrived at the concealed objective of the United Nations Charter.

Absolute, monolithic world military power is the concealed ob­jective of the United Nations.

However, this monstrous goal cannot be achieved by raw force alone. Force must be preceded by brainwashing, which will condition the population to accept a world military dictatorship. Therefore the Planners employ Fabian Socialist techniques to accomplish their purpose.

The internationalists, by gradualism and indirection, have made collectivism an acceptable political philosophy. And, through the media of mass propaganda, they have conferred legal status upon illegal acts.

In illustration of this technique, we might recall that on Septem­ber 1, 1961, the United States Government filed with the U.N. Secretary General a plan for the transfer of our entire military establishment to the United Nations.

Yet--there was no cry of outrage from the American people.

The policy document for surrender is State Department Publica­tion Number 7277, titled "Freedom From War: The United States Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World".

In it, your State Department calls for "...progressive reduction of the war-making capability of the nations and the simultaneous strengthening of international institutions to settle disputes and maintain the peace..." Which means, of course, the disarming of the United States and the establishment of a United Nations Army.

U.S. MILITARY BEING TRANSFERRED TO
U.N. DICTATORSHIP.

Our government now states that we must pluck the deterrent to Communist aggression from the control of American citizens and place your defense forces in the hands of the Communist-dominated U.N. Security Council.

Allegedly acting in the name of the American people, and for the "nations of the world", the U.S. State Department set forth the objectives of their program of general and complete dis­armament in a "Declaration on Disarmament" in a world where adjustment to change "takes place in accordance with the princi­ples of the United Nations".

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "declare their goal to be the disbanding of all national armed forces and the prohibition of their reestablishment in any form whatsoever, other than those required to preserve internal order and for contributions to a United Nations Peace Force."

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "will establish an effective International Disarmament Organization within the framework of the United Nations, to ensure com­pliance at all times with all disarmament obligations."

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "will institute effective means for the enforcement of international agreements, for the settlement of disputes, and for the mainte­nance of peace--in accordance with the principles of the United Nations."

Under this plan, the United States will finance and man a totali­tarian U.N. military complex. You, of course, will exercise no control over this international army.

The State Department proposes that the disarmament of the United States and the concurrent build-up of the United Nations Army be accomplished in the following three stages:

Stage One: "The States shall develop arrangements in Stage One for the establishment in Stage Two of a U.N. Peace Force."

Stage Two: "During Stage Two, States shall develop further the peace-keeping process of the United Nations to the end that the United Nations can effectively in Stage Three deter or suppress any threat or use of force in violation of the pur­poses and principles of the United Nations."

Stage Three: "In Stage Three, progressive controlled disarma­ment and continuously developing principles and procedures of international law would proceed to a point where no state would have the military power to challenge the progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force."

There you have it--neatly spelled out by your own State De­partment: a totalitarian, one-world government--its edicts en­forced by an international army--already established and in place.

To implement the U.N. take-over, of course, it was and re­mains to some tiny extent, necessary to go through the mo­tions of translating the policy of State Department Publica­tions 7277 into so-called law and to assure brainwashed Americans that this "law" is in their own best interest. I be­lieve you will note that this has also been accomplished.

I will, however, go over, again, the way it was worked but that will have to hold for another opportunity to write.

Thank you for your attention.

Hatonn to clear.

PJ 48
CHAPTER 12

REC #1 HATONN

SUN., APRIL 5, 1992 9:54 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 233

SUNDAY. APRIL 5, 1992

FRINGE BENEFITS
Although agency personnel hold the same ratings and receive the same salaries as other government employees, they do not fall under Civil Service jurisdiction. The Director has the au­thority to hire or fire an employee without any regard to normal governmental regulations, and there is no legal appeal to his de­cisions. In general, however, it is the CIA's practice to take extremely good care of the people who remain loyal to the orga­nization. There is a strong feeling among agency management officials that they must concern themselves with the welfare of all personnel and this feeling goes well beyond the normal em­ployer-employee relationship in the government or in private in­dustry. To a certain extent, security considerations dictate this attitude on the part of management, since an unhappy or finan­cially insecure employee can become a potential target for a for­eign espionage agent. But there is more to it than that. Nearly everyone seems to believe: We're all in this together and anyone who's on the team should be taken care of decently. The em­ployees probably feel a higher loyalty to the CIA than members of almost any other agency feel for their organization. Again, this is good for security, but that makes the sentiments no less real.

Some of the benefits for agency personnel are unique in the federal bureaucracy. For example, the CIA operates a summer intern program for college students. Unlike other government agencies which have tried to hire disadvantaged and minority youngsters, the CIA's program is only for, the sons and daugh­ters of agency employees. Again the justification is security and the expense of clearing outsiders, but it is a somewhat dubious claim since the State Department manages to clear all its interns for "top secret" without significant expense or danger to secu­rity.

If a CIA employee dies, an agency security officer immedi­ately goes to his or her house to see that everything is in order for the survivors (and, not incidentally, to make sure no CIA documents have been taken home from the office). If the indi­vidual has been living under a cover identity, the security officer ensures that the cover does not fall apart with the death. Often the security man will even help with the funeral and burial ar­rangements.

For banking activities, CIA employees are encouraged to use the agency's own credit union, which is located in the head­quarters building. The union is expert in giving loans to clan­destine operators under cover, whose personal background statements are by definition false. In the rare instance when an employee forfeits on a loan, the credit union seldom prosecutes to get back the money: that could be a breach of security. There is also a special fund, supported by annual contributions from agency officers, to help fellow employees who accidentally get into financial trouble.

The credit union also makes various kinds of insurance avail­able to CIA employees. Since the agency does not wish to give outsiders any biographical information on its personnel, the CIA provides the insurer with none of that data that insurance companies normally demand, except age and size of policy. The agency certifies that all facts are true--even that a particular em­ployee has died--without suffering any proof. Blue Cross, which originally had the agency's health-insurance policy, demanded too much information for the agency's liking and, in the late 1950's, the CIA switched its account to the more tolerant Mutual of Omaha. Agency employees are even instructed not to use the airplane-crash insurance machines available at airports but to purchase such insurance from the credit union.

Attempts are made even to regulate the extracurricular activ­ities of agency employees--to reinforce their attachment to the 169 organization and, of course, for security reasons. An employee-activity association (incorporated for legal purposes) sponsors programs in everything from sports and art to slimnastics and karate. The association also runs a recreational travel service, a sports and theater ticket service, and a discount sales store. The CIA runs its own training programs for reserve military officers, too. And it has arranged with local universities to have its own officers teach college-level and graduate courses for credit to its employees in the security of its headquarters building.

The CIA can be engagingly paternal in other ways, too. On the whole, it is quite tolerant of sexual dalliance among its em­ployees, as long as the relationships are heterosexual and not with enemy spies. In fact, the CIA's medical office in Saigon was known during the late 1960's for its no-questions-asked cures of venereal disease, which State Department officers in that city avoided the embassy clinic for the same malady be­cause they feared the consequences to their careers of having VD listed on their personnel records.

MUST-SEE MOVIE: EXECUTIVE ACTION

In many other ways the CIA keeps close watch over its em­ployees' health. If a CIA officer gets sick, he can go to an agency doctor or a "cleared" outside physician. If he undergoes surgery, he frequently is accompanied into the operating room by a CIA security man who makes sure that no secrets are re­vealed under sodium-pentathol anesthesia. If he has a mental breakdown, he is required to be treated by an agency psychia­trist (or a cleared contact on the outside) or, in an extreme case, to be admitted to a CIA-sanctioned sanitarium. Although no statistics are available, mental breakdowns seem more common in the agency's tension-laden atmosphere than in the population as a whole and the CIA tends to have a more tolerant attitude toward mental-health problems and psychiatric therapy than the general public. In the Clandestine Services, breakdowns are considered virtually normal work hazards, [H: Doesn't this make you feel secure to know that the ones supposedly in charge of your most secret information may well be, at pre­sent, eligible for the "nut-farm"? I suggest you refer attention to ones such as G. Gordon Liddy, etc. These ones are total disaster waiting to explode on you. I again urge you readers to rent the motion picture EXECUTIVE ACTION with Burt Lancaster, Robert Ryan, etc. It is accurate and that accuracy in portrayal is owed to Mark Lane. It is the best overall portrayal of the Kennedy assassination on film--it surpasses Oliver Stone's version, or at the least, integrates the "facts" with the "JFK" film. You are going to get nothing of value from the CIA disclosures of the files for you have the fox painting the story for the demise of the chickens he just killed. This film shows exactly how the CIA prepares for and executes such operations and pays off the agents while setting up the fall-guys. I recommend that--if you do nothing else this month--go get a copy of that motion picture. If you can't locate one, notify THE WORD through America West and we'll see what we can do about loaning you a copy--I feel it is that important.] and employees are encouraged to return to work after they have completed treatment. Usually no stigma is attached to illness of this type; in fact, a number of senior officers suffered breakdowns while they were in the Clandestine Services and it clearly did not hurt their careers. Ex-Clandestine Services chief Frank Wisner had such an illness, and he later returned to work as the CIA station chief in London.

Many agency officials are known for their heavy drinking-- which also seems to be looked upon as an occupational hazard. Again, the CIA is more sympathetic to drinking problems than outside organizations. Drug use, however, remains absolutely taboo.

While the personnel policies and benefits extended by the CIA to its employees can be justified on the grounds of national security and the need to develop organizational loyalty, these tend to have something of a personal debilitating effect on the career officers. The agency is unconsciously viewed as an omniscient, omnipotent institution--one that can even be considered infallible. Devotion to duty grows to fanaticism; questioning the decisions of the authorities is tantamount to religious blasphemy. Such circumstances encourage bureaucratic insulation and introversion (especially under strong pressures from the outside), and they even promote a perverse, defensive attitude which restricts the individual from keeping pace with significant social events occurring in one's own nation--to say nothing of those evolving abroad. Instead of continuing to develop vision and sensitivity with regard to their professional activities, the career officers become unthinking bureaucrats concerned only with their own comfort and security, which they achieve by catering to the demands of the existing political and institutional leaderships-- those groups which can provide the means for such personal ends.

SECRET WRITINGS OF CIA "HISTORY"

A number of years ago the CIA established a secret historical library, later a secret internal professional journal, and ultimately began the preparation of the exhaustive secret history of the agency, being written by retired senior officers.

The Historical Intelligence Collection, as the "special" library is officially known in CIA, is a fascinating library of spy literature, containing thousands of volumes, fiction and non-fiction, in many languages. The curator, a senior career officer by trade but by avocation a bibliophile of some note, is annually allocated a handsome budget to travel around the world in search of rare books and documents on espionage. [H: Now you know who writes those biographies which are presented in the form of memoirs and life stories such as Oliver North, Nixon, etc. They are as well planned a part of the program as any of the other deceptive material. Not only do you have clandestine speech writers manipulating the politicians but you have others in conjunction with the close writers writing the story of what happened--in their desired outlay.] Through his efforts, the CIA today possesses probably the most complete compilation of such publications in the world. In recent years the collection has been expanded to include intelligence memorabilia, featuring exhibits of invisible inks, bugs, cameras, and other equipment actually used in certain operations by spies or their handlers.

The CIA's own quarterly trade journal is called Studies of Intelligence. Articles in recent years have dealt with subjects ranging from the practical to the theoretical: there have been ar­ticles on how to react when undergoing enemy interrogation; how the National-Estimate process works; how to covertly infil­trate and exfiltrate heavily guarded enemy borders. After the Cuban missile crisis the journal ran a debate on whether the CIA had failed to detect the Soviet missiles early enough or had suc­ceeded in time to allow the government to take remedial action.

Some articles are of pure historical interest. In 1970 there was a fascinating account of the successful efforts at the end of World War II of the couturier Count Emillio Pucci, then in the Italian army, to keep out of German hands the diary of Mus­solini's Foreign Minister (and son-in-law) Count Ciano, who had earlier been executed by the Duce. Presumably, stories of this kind would be of interest to ordinary citizens but Studies in Intelligence, while bearing a physical resemblance to many reg­ularly published magazines, is different in one important re­spect. It is stamped SECRET and is therefore available only to CIA employees and a few selected readers elsewhere in the in­telligence community. Even its regular reviews of current spy novels are withheld from the American public.

The most important of the CIA's private literary projects is the massive secret history of the agency that has been in prepa­ration since 1967. Recognizing the irresistible tendency of for­mer intelligence officers to write their memoirs and, thereby, often to embarrass their organizations and their government with their revelations, Director Helms prudently agreed to permit the preparation of an official secret history of the CIA and its clan­destine activities. A professor of history from a Midwestern university was hired to act as coordinator and as a lit­erary/research advisor to those officers who would participate in the project. Retired senior officials were hired on contract at their former salaries to spend a couple of additional years with the agency putting their recollections down on paper for even­tual incorporation in the encyclopedic summary of the CIA's past.

Helms' decision was a master stroke. The history will never be completed, nor will it ever be published. By definition it is a perpetual project and one that can be read only by those who have a clear "need to know"--and they are few indeed. But the writers, the battle-scarred old hands, have gotten their frustra­tions out of their systems--with no harm done--and they have been paid, well paid, for their efforts. (Probably better than they could have been had they gone public.) As for the CIA, it, too, is content with the arrangement; for it is its arrangement, a pact made among friends and colleagues, one that conveniently shuts out the primary enemy of those possessed of the clandes­tine mentality--the public.

INTELLIGENCE AND POLICY

Policy must be based on the best estimate of the facts which can be put together. That estimate in turn should be given by some agency which has no axes to grind and which itself is not wedded to any particular policy.
Allen Dulles

[H: As you might guess, a lot of deletions pop up in this sec­tion.]

Workmen had already started to put the White House Christ­mas decoration in place on a December day in 1969 when the President met in the Cabinet room with the National Security Council. The

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out to the interested parts of the federal government the previous April, bureaucrats had been writing position papers to prepare their chiefs for this meeting. There was sharp disagreement within the government on how hard a line the United States should take with the

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Now the time for decision-making was at hand, and those pre­sent included the Vice President, the Secretaries of State and Defense, the Under Secretaries of State and Commerce, the Di­rector of Central Intelligence, a representative of the National Aeronautics and Space Agency (NASA), the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Admiral Thomas Moorer, the newly named Chairman of the JCS, was attending his first NSC meet­ing in this capacity. The President noted the occasion by intro­ducing him to all assembled as "Admiral Mormon".

The President opened the session by stating that the NSC had before it some very complex problems--complex not only in the usual foreign-policy sense but also in a moral context which, the President noted, concerned a large portion of the American population. Nixon then turned to his DCI, Richard Helms, and said, "Go ahead, Dick".

The NSC meeting had officially begun, and as was custom­ary, Helms set the scene by giving a detailed briefing on the po­litical and economic background of the countries under dis­cussion. Using charts and maps carried in by an aide, he de­scribed recent developments in southern Africa. (His other­wise flawless performance was marred only by his mispro­nunciation of "Malagasy" [formerly Madagascar], when re­ferring to the young republic.)

Next, Henry Kissinger talked about the kind of general pos­ture the United States could maintain toward the ( DELETED ) and outlined the specific policy options open to the President. In the case of

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the United States to do so. To what extent Helms' arguments played a part in the presidential decision can be answered only by Richard Nixon himself. But, the following year, at the re­quest of the British, the United States did end its

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was such an established factor that it was not even under review at the NSC meeting.

Some of the statements were quite revealing. Early in the meeting Secretary of State William Rogers jokingly pointed out, to general-laughter in the room, that it might be inappropriate for the group to discuss the subject at hand, since some of those present had represented southern African clients in earlier law practices. Vice President Spiro Agnew gave an impassioned speech on how the South Africans, now that they had re­cently declared their independence, were not about to be pushed around, and he went on to compare South Africa to the United States in its infant days. Finally, the President leaned over to Agnew and said gently, "You mean Rhodesia, don't you, Ted?"

It was extraordinary for Helms to speak out to the NSC about the detrimental effect his agency would suffer if the ( ** DELETED ** ) since the DCI's normal role at these sessions is limited to providing the introductory background briefing. As the President's principal intelligence advisor, his function is to supply the facts and the intelligence community's best estimate of future events in order to help the decision-makers in their work. What Helms was saying to the NSC was entirely factual, but it had the effect of injecting intelligence operations into a policy decision. In theory at least, the decision-makers are sup­posed to be able to choose the most advantageous options with the benefit of intelligence--not for the benefit of intelligence.

* * *
[H: For you who think Kissinger has somehow faded from the scene--look again. HE IS VERY SOON TO BEGIN HAV­ING A REGULAR PROGRAM ON CNN!!! THIS IS PART AND PARCEL OF THE OVERALL PLAN AND YOU WILL BE GETTING BAGGAGE OF INCREDIBLE MAGNITUDE FROM THIS "EXPERT" "AUTHORITY", "DOCTOR" KISSINGER.]

Let us break here, Dharma, for you have other business. Salu.